Sardar Aziz سهردار عهزیز
PhD Candidate
Department of Government
University College Cork /Ireland
ستوننوس له رۆژنامهی
Awene (newspaper) Columnist
The map of the areas where the Kurds are living
“If we supply an aggregate of human beings, more or less homogeneous in language and religion, with a little assistance and a good deal of advice, if we protect them from external aggression and discourage internal violence, they will speedily and spontaneously organize themselves into a democratic state on modern lines.” Balfour describing Sykes-Picot agreement.
The Nudes and Their Masters
The concept of nude is an amalgamation of the Agambenian conceptualisation plus the Kurdish use of the word.
For Agamben the bare life is the antonym to the political life. A life that is depoliticised in order to make it a political subject.
خهڵکی رهش و رووت (black and nude people) in Kurdish is a description used to describe the ordinary people.
Black signifies mass, uniform and nude denotes poverty.
The Nudes and Their Masters
Who are the masters of the nudes (Kurds)?
There is no Hegelian Master-slave relationship (Phenomenology of Spirit).
It is the relation of ban (Agamben, 1998).
The Kurds are less than a slave for their master: a slave is not murdered by the master (بهختیار عهلی
The master laughs at the consciousness of the slave (Fanon, 1967).
Becoming a nude
Emergence of non-relational relation: tool
Occidental modernity & the Kurds
Arrival of occidental modernity both as power and ideology impacted on the status of the Kurds.
They became stateless, minorities, separated by border lines, forced to assimilate,
They were identified as prospective-Turks, tribes, bandits, sheikhs, pre-modern past, Iraqi, Syrian, cancer, destructors, اجنبی، مکتوم، عصاد، مغرب etc.
No right to resist, to disagree, to speak, to be human
A figure of security threat: Security as the basic principle of state politics dates back to the birth of the modern state (Agamben, 2002).
Kurds & Modernity
“I am strongly in favour of using poison gas against uncivilised tribes” (Churchill).
‘backward’, ‘tribal’, ‘looter’, ‘plotter’, ‘other’ (Demir& Zeydanlioglu, 2010)
Politics of Citizenship: Syria and Iraq-Soviet Model (Alexopoulos,2006).
Stripped off rights, language, dwelling, life, expression, freedom.
“not able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world” (Little, 2010).
The Emergence of the Failed Modern State (FMS)
FMS
Modernity Tradition
Mass
FMS
As the above diagram shows the Failed Modern state is in a circular shape i.e. it is a closed state (family, tribe, and sect).
Through the various components of modernity and tradition, it makes a mass out of the population and relates to them accordingly.
This state is distant from the population i.e. external. It is in the relation of exception which is a relation of ban.
As Agamben (1998) puts it; the ban relation is not, in fact, simply being outside the law or being made indifferent to it but rather being abandoned by it, that is, exposed and threatened on the threshold in which life and law, outside and inside, become indistinguishable.
FMS Features
It is neither modern nor traditional
It resists being either
The state and the sovereign are fused: no boundary for the sovereign power
No society, no citizenship, no community, no public sphere
Becoming divine is the sovereign’s desire: politics is theology (Schmitt)
کن فیکن be, it is
The state of exception (emergency), suspension of law by law
The Kurds in the FMS
In the absence of their own border the Kurds have no sphere to practice politics, in Hegelian terms, no space for the spirit to become conscious of itself.
Only when there is a political space a public space becomes possible (Etienne Balibar, 2004).
Biologically suffering, legally dead
Can be killed without sacrificed, homo sacer
people live a naked life that modernity necessarily created,
and whose exclusion is included as exceptional
Driving thoughts out of ideas: ‘analyze the way institutions, practices, habits, and behavior become a problem for people’
Deducing thoughts out of modernity’s ideas and analyse the way institutions, practices, habits, and behaviour of the FMS become the problem for the Kurds.
Enframing and condemning
Based on modern ideas and practice the masters enframed the Kurds and condemned them for being so.
When there is no state there is no standard language.
‘Kurds have no language’, ‘Kurds are tribes, not a nation’, ‘Kurds are traditional, not modern’ etc.
silenced
Killed for desiring modernity
The language of modernity which is a monologue of master about the Kurds, has been established only on the basis of such a silence; to paraphrase Foucault (2002).
Deconstructing Modernity
Modernity politicized/depoliticized the Kurds & the Kurdish study (Foucault/Aristotle).
No room for autochthonous politics.
Hardly any other field of Near Eastern Studies has ever been so politicised as the study of the history and culture of the Kurds, having produced an industry of amateurs, with few rivals in other domains of Orientalistic knowledge (Asatrian, 2009)
To have a Kurdish politics a deconstruction of modernity’s politics is urgent.
Line of Flights*
If modernity is a line, a line of flight is needed.
The point of taking off is the moment of realising the reality, deconstructing the discourse of modernity.
The status of the Kurd is a homo sacer, in a relation of ban with the authorities
The states are the state of exception, fused with the sovereign, the sovereign is law.
Explanation of the abuses, the hatred, the mass killing.
Poetry of the Future
The Kurdish social revolution of the 21st century cannot draw its poetry from the past, but only from the future (to paraphrase Marx, 1852)
In the future is contained the poetry of the new understanding.
Modernity and its consequences shaped the Kurds in a way to not have a past to draw from it for its future.
Therefore a poetry required not a history
A new imagination
The Kurd cannot begin with him/herself before s/he has stripped away all superstition about the modernity (paraphrasing Marx 1852).
Conclusions
Applying postmodern concepts to the current Kurdish situation is the only way to deconstruct the discourse of modernity.
Postmodern concepts welcomes us to the desert of reality (to paraphrase Zizek, 2002).
Despite the abjectness of the situation there is resistance.
The question of resistance has to be hybridised with postmodern notions.
Can a homo sacer become a citizen; can an exceptional state be non-exceptional ??????
Conclusions
Marry who love: Right of secession (Wellman, 2005).
The question of citizenship! As a status, as a form of contract
In a liquid globalised world there, one should not be imprisoned among the narrow walls of modernity
People and the significance of space; a redefinition
State; FMS, Sovereign apparatus or? a redefinition
گهلهک سوپاس
Thanks a million!!
To the KSSO team
Questions پرسیار
Friday, December 24, 2010
Wednesday, September 22, 2010
چاوپێکهوتن گۆڤاری سهرچاوه
وهڵام بۆ گۆڤاری سهرچاوه
سهرهتا ئهم چوار پرسیارهی که لێرهدا کراوه، ههرچواریان ههڵگری تایبهتمهندیهکن، ئهویش سروشتی داهاتوویه تیایندا. لهمه مهبهستم ئهوهیه، ئهم چوار پرسیاره پرسیارن دهربارهی ئهوهی له داهاتوودا چی دهگوزهرێ، چارهنوس چیه، ئێمه بهرهو کوێ دهرۆین. گرانی وهڵامی ئهم جۆره پرسیارانه لهوهدایه که یهکێک له خهسڵهتهکانی داهاتوو ئهوهیه که ههمیشه برێکی زۆر له نهێنی له خۆیدا حهشارداوه. بهڵام سهرباری ئهوه دهتوانرێ له ههندێ جێگای دونیادا باشتر بزانرێت که ئاراستهی دیاریدهیهک بهرهوکوێ دهروات، بهڵام له ههندێ جێگای تردا کارێکی وا زۆر ستهمه. ئهم جیاكاریه دهگهرێتهوه بۆ ئهوهی کێ له بهرێوبردنی رووداوهکاندا خاوهن دهسهڵاته. بۆ نموونه له رۆژئاوا دهتوانرێ بوترێت ههموو دیاریدهیهک، تا ئاستێکی زۆر له نێو چوارچێوهێ یاسادا روودهدا، کهسهکان کاریگهریان ههیه بهڵام بهشێوهیهکی سنوردار. ئهمه له جێگایهکی وهك عێراق و کوردوستان به پێچهوانهیه. لهوێ کهسهکان و بهرژهوهندیهکانیان له سهروی ههموو شتێکهوهن. بۆیه قسهکردن له سهر داهاتوو ههمیشه دهبێ ئهوه له بهرچاوبگیرێت که کاراکتهرهکان چۆن ههڵسوکهوت ئهکهن. زانینی ئهمه مهحاڵه، چونکه له راستیا کاراکتهرهکان خۆیان نازانن چۆن له بهرامبهر رووداوهکاندا ههڵوێست وهرئهگرن. بۆیه ئهوهی که پێی دهگوترێت سیاسهت: نه زانسته نه هونهر، نه پهیوهندی به یاساوه ههیه، نه خهلک. سیاسهت لێرهدا یاریهکه که کهسهکان به پێی تێگهشتنی ئهو ساتهیان بۆ رووداوهکان پێی ههڵدهستن. زۆربهی جار ئهم تێگهیشتنه مایهی سهرسورمانه تهنانهت بۆ ئهنجامدهرانیشی پاش روودانیان. له رێگای ئهم
پێشهکیهوه دهمهوێ ئهو چوارچێوهیه دیاریکهم که وهڵامهکانی ئهم پرسیارانه تیایا دهرئهکهون.
پرسیاری یهک:
من چۆن دهنوارمه ههڵبژاردنهکانی عێراق؟ ئهمه سهرهتای پرسیارهکهیه، پاشان پرسی رهگ داکوتانی دیموکراسی کراوه، ئینجا به گشتی پرسی داهاتوو، و سیناریوکانی. پرسیارهکه ئهوهم پێ دهلێت که مهبهست له روودانی ههڵبژاردن، رهگداکوتانی دیموکراسیه. لێرهدا ههڵبژاردن وهک رووداوێک تهماشاکراوه که چاوهنواری ئهوهی لێئهکرێت ببێته هۆی رهگ داکوتانی دیموکراسی. ئهم چاوهنواریکردنه له جێی خۆیدایه بهڵام تا ئاستێکی زۆر ئاڵۆزه. له ههموو ههڵبژاردنێکا له عێراق سێ ههڵبژاردن بهرێوهئهچێت. ههڵبژاردنی شیعهکان، ههڵبژاردنی سوننهکان، وه ههڵبژاردنی کوردهکان، ئهمه ئهگهر ئهو کهمینه بچکۆلهکانی تر له بهرچاو نهگرین. کهواته عێراق وهک بۆتهقهیهک که به ناچاری ئهم ههموو دژهی تیاکۆبوهتهوه ناتوانرێت به هیچ شێوهیهک وهک دهوڵهتێکی نهتهوهیی تهماشا بکرێت. دهرئهنجامی ئهمه ئهوهیه ههڵبژاردن دیاریدهیهکی دیموکراسی نیه، بهڵکو بریتیه له ناردنی نوێنهر بۆئهوهی له گهڵ نوێنهری پێکهێنهرهکانی تردا بکهوێته ململانێوه چونکه ههموو پێکهێنهرێک وا وێنای ئهو پێکهێنهرهکانی تر ئهکات که دهیانهوێت خراپ مامهڵهیان بکهن. لهم چوارچێوهیهدا، مرۆڤ بوونی نیه، تاک بوونی نیه، کێشه بوونی نیه، هاووڵاتی بوونی نیه، پهیوهندی دهوڵهت هاووڵاتی له ئارادانیه. ئهوهی ههیه شهری پێکهاتهکانه بۆ پچرینی زۆرترین دهسکهوت. له دهرئهنجامدا دهتوانین بڵێین ئهوهی که له عێراقدا رووئهدات ئیتنۆکراسیه که یانی دهسهڵاتی ئیتنیکهکان. ئهم جۆره جودایه له دیموکراسی، وه دهتوانم بڵێم زۆر دووره له دیموکراسی.
ئهگهر لێرهدا ههوڵبدهین وهڵامی شکست و سهرکهوتن بدهینهوه ئهوا دهبێ بپرسین شکست و سهرکهوتنی دیمۆکراسی که یانی دهسهڵاتی خهلک، یان پرسی شکست و سهرکهوتنی ئیتنۆکراسی که یانی دهسهڵاتی کهمینهکان. دیاره کاتێک ئێمه ئهوهمان بهرچاوخست که دیموکراسی له ئارادا نیه، ئهوا دهتوانین بڵێن پرسی شکست و سهرکهوتن بێمانایه. بهڵام ئهگهر بپرسین ئایا عێراق بهردهوام دهبێت لهم پرۆسهیه یان هێزێک یان نوێنهری ئیتنیکێک باڵ بهسهر دۆخهکهدا دهکێشێ. شیعه و سوننه ههمیشه له خهیاڵی ئهوهدان که دهسهڵاتێکی سهرتاسهری تۆتالیتاری ههمیشهییان ههبێت، وه له رێیهوه ههموو داهاتی ووڵات بۆ خۆیان بهرن و باس له سهقامگیری و یهکێتی خاک و گهلی عێراق بکهن. دیاره عهقڵی ئیتنیک عهقڵی خێڵه. له عێراقدا ئیتنیک وهک کهلتور و دونیا بینی بوونی نیه، بهڵکو خێڵ و بههاکانی ئهو بۆشاییهی پڕکردوهتهوه. عهقڵی خێڵ پێویستی به قسهلهسهرکردنی ئهنتۆپۆلۆجی زۆره. (ههندێک دهوڵهتناسی فهرنسی ئهم کارهیان کردوه له میانهی لێکۆڵینهوهیان دهربارهی ئهفریقا)، لهبهر ئاڵۆزی بابهتهکه و جوادیی ناوچهکه من لێرهدا خۆمی لێ ئهپارێزم. بهڵام دهبێت ئهوه روون بێت که عهقڵی خێڵ عهقڵی کۆمهڵگایی نیه، عهقڵی مرۆڤ دۆستی نیه، عهقڵی داننا نیه بهبوونی ئهویتردا. عهقڵیکه تا سهر ئێسقان نا مۆدرێن، نا شارستانی، نا مرۆڤانه. دیاره ئهمرۆی عێراق که رووپۆشێکی ئیسلامی ههیه، ئهم دیاریدهیهی هێندهی تر ئاڵۆزکردوه. چونکه ئیسلام خاوهنی هیچ تیورهیهک نیه دهربارهی دهوڵهت یان سهروهری. ههر ئهمهش بووه مایهی ئهوه ههرزوو ئیسلام ببێته نێچیرێک بهدهست بنهماڵه دهسهڵاتدارهکانی پێش ئیسلامهوه. له ئهمرۆی عێراقدا ئیسلام روویهکی توندروی پر توندوتیژی بهخشێیوهته دهسهلاتی خێڵ. له ههموو خراپتر ئهو دهسهڵاته نامرۆڤانهیهی پیرۆزکردوه.
ئهمرۆ له دونیادا دیموکراسی له قهیراندایه، ستهمه چاوهروانی ئهوه بکرێت له ووڵاتێکی دواکهوتووی وهک عێراقدا، که ههرکهسه و تهنها بۆئهوهی دهیهوێ له دهسهڵاتدابێت ههتا وورگ و گیرفان و بانکهکانی پڕکات، دیموکراسی بێته ئاراوه.
پرسیاری دوو
کورد کهمینهیهکی نهویستراوه له عێراقدا. خهڵكی کورد دوور له ناوهند له چیاکان ئهژین. بۆیه دهتوانرێت بوترێت که شێوازێک له ململانێ له ئارادایه ئهویش ململانێی ناوهند و کهنار. دهتوانرێت ئهم ململانێیه وهک تهرازویهک وێنابکرێت. ههتا ناوهند بههێزبێت فشار له سهر کورد زیاتر دهبێت، وه کورد له ئهنجامدا بێهێزدهبێت. کهواته ناوهندێکی بههێز، که رهنگه له ئهنجامی سهقامگیریهوه بێته ئاراوه، به زیانی کورد بشکیتهوه. بهڵام له ههمانکاتدا ناوهندێکی شکستخواردو به زیانی کورد دهشکێتهوه. چونکه به هۆی ئهو جێگا جوگرافیهی باشوری کوردوستان، عێراقی لاواز له قازانجی کوردنابێت.
پرسی ئهوهی ئهی چی بهسهر ماددهکانی دهستوردا دێت. له دۆخی بههێزی ناوهنددا دهستور دهبێت ئهو دهستورهی که له سوریا و میسر و ئوردون و ووڵاتانی تری ناوچهکه ههیه یان بهتهوای وهلا ئهخرێت یان ههر برگهیهکی له خزمهتی زیاتر دهسهڵاتی ناوهنددابێت پهیرهو دهکرێت و ئهویتری خۆمان خۆش.
دیاره لێرهدا دهبێ ئاماژه به بوونی ئهمریکا بکهین. ئایا عێراق دهبێته دیموکراسیهکی ئهمریکی، ئایا عێراق پرۆژهیهکی ئهمریکیه. ئهمریکای سهردهمی هاتنی بۆ عێراق له گهڵ ئهمریکای ئهمرۆدا جودایه. ئهمریکای ئهو سهردهمه خهونی گۆرینی رۆژههڵاتی ناوهراستی ههبوو بۆ پێکهاتهیهکی جودا. بۆ کۆمهڵه ووڵاتێکی لیبرالی کراوهی سهر به ئهمریکا. هاتنی بۆ عێراق بۆئهوه بوو ئهم پلانه بهجێ بهێنی. بهڵام ههتا ئێستا ئهم پلانه تهنها به ئاراستهی پێچهوانهدا ئهروات. ئهمریکای ئهمرۆ له خهمی ئهوهدایه چۆن خۆی رزگارکات. چۆن بکهوێتهوه سهر پێ. ههمیشه خهمی خۆ، زیاتر به هێند وهرئهگیرێ له خهمی دوور. بۆیه ئهمرۆ لهوه ئهچێت پرۆژهی ئهمریکی ئهوه بێت که چۆن دۆخێکی وهها بهێنرێته ئاراوه که بتوانرێت بهبێ ئهوهی ووڵاته له دهستچیت بتوانرێت لێی دوورکهوێتهوه. بۆیه له ئهمرۆدا خهمی ئهمریکا سهقامگیریه له بڕی دیمۆکراسی. کهمکردنهوهی فشاره. ههر لهم روانگهیهوه دهتوانرێت فشارهکانی ئهم دواییهی بۆ سهر کورد لێکبدرێتهوه.
پرسیاری سێ
وهک له لێکدانهوهکهی سهرهوه روونمانکردهوه روودانی دیمۆکراسی له عێراق یانی ناردنی نوێنهر بۆ پهرلهمان بۆ شهرکردن بۆ کهمینهکهیان. به پێی ئهم هاوکێشهیه ههتا نوێنهر کهمتربێت هێز کهمتر دهبێت و له ئهنجامدا نوێنهرایهتی و دهسکهوت و کهمتره. له دۆخێکی وههادا کاتێک ههموو کهمینهیهک به گومانه له ئهویتر، چهندین دیواری ئهستور له نێوان پێکهاتهکاندا ههیه، ناتوانرێت ووڵاتێکی دیومکراسی بێته ئاراوه. بۆیه کهمبوونهوهی کورسی کورد بێگومان دهبێته هۆی کهمبوونهوهی مافی کورد. لێرهدا دیموکراسی له بڕی قازانج دهبێته زیان بهخش. بۆیه له عێراقدا دهبێت ئهم تایبهتگیریه له بهرچاوبگیرێت. دهبێ ههرگیز کار بهو ئاراستهیه نهکات که عهرهب ببنه خاوهنی یهک ههڵوێست. چونکه له بارێکی وههادا کورد به ههموو شێوهیهک زیان بهخش دهبێت. یهکببونی ههڵوێستی ههموو عهرهب له دژی کورد ههمیشه له ئارادایه. به پێچهوانی ئهوهی که سیاسهتمهدارهکانی کورد چاوهروانیان ئهکرد.
پرسیاری چوار
تهوافوق ئهگهرچی لایهنی تاریکیشی ههبوو بهڵام ئهو گرنگیهی ههبوو که هیچ کهمینهیهک پشتگوێ نهئهخرا. له پاش تهوافوق یاسای گهمهکه دهگۆرێت. ئهوهی زۆرینهیه زۆرترین دهسهڵات له سهر حیسابی ئهویتر به دهستدههێنێ. بۆیه بۆ کورد چهند رێگایهک ههیه: یهک نابێت ههرگیز، ههتا بۆی بکرێت بچێته خانهی ئۆپۆزسیونهوه. چونکه دوورکهوتنهوهی له پێگهی دهسهڵات له نهمانی تهوافوقدا دهبێته هۆی ئهوهی که ههموو مافهکان بکهونه ژێر مهترسیهوه. دوو، دهبێ کورد جگه له کورسی و ژمارهی کورسی کارت تر بهکاربهێنێت. کارتی نهتهوایهتی، بۆ نموونه، ئهمهش به بههێز کردنی پێگهی خۆ وهک پێکهاتهیهکی جودا. به جۆرێک که حکومهتی ناوهند ناچاربێت بکهوێته بهردهم پرسی ئهوهی ئهگهر کورد بهشێک نهبن له حکومهت ئهوا عێراق نابێته ووڵاتێکی سهقامگیر. سێ دهبێ کورد له روانگهی دیدی ئهوانی ترهوه له عێراقدا له دۆخی سیاسی ناوخۆیدا بچێتهوه. گهلیک که له چوار ملیون کهس زیاتر ئهگهر وهک هێزێکی یهکگرتوو دهرکهوێت که بزانێت ویست و خواستی چیه، نوێنهرهکانی نوێنهری راستهقینهی خهڵک بن، سیاسهت ببێته ههوڵی پێکهوهژیانی کۆمهلگای کوردی ئهوا کورد دهبێته هێزێک که کهس ناتوانێت پشتگوێیخات. بهڵام ئێمه بهو ئاراستهیهدا نارۆین. ئێمه ههتا بێت شپرزه دهبین، گهندهڵ دهبین، خهڵکی کوردوستان دهتورێن له دهسهڵات، دۆستی بیانی دوورئهکهونهوه، ئێمه هیچ به دهست ناهێنێن ئهگهر له ههموو روویهکهوه تۆکمهو پڕچهک و له خۆ بوردوو نهبین.
دهبێ ئهوه بزانین که ئێمه ههستی نهتهوه بوونمان لاوازه. دهرفهتێکی باش بوو لهم چهند ساڵانهی دهسهڵاتی کوردیا کار بهو ئاراستهیه بکرایه. بهڵام ئێمه لهوه ناچێت هیچ پلان و بهرنامه و خواستمان ههبێت. ههمیشه کورتبین، خهڵهفاو، درهنگ به ئاگاهاتوو. دیاره خیتابی یهکخستنی ماڵی کورد له ئارادایه، بهڵام له راستیا بۆئهو مهبهسته نیه که بانگهشهی بۆئهکرێت. ئێمه ئهوهنده دواکهوتووین ناتوانین له گهڵ خۆمانا ههڵکهین. ئێمه دهمانتوانی کۆمهڵگایهک بهێنینه ئاراوه که ناوهند ههرگیز نهتوانێ بیرلهوه بکاتهوه که جارێکی تر ئهتوانێ دهستی بهسهرا بگرێت، بۆیه ناچاربێت به خواستهکانی رازی بێت. بهڵام ئێمه هێشتا لهبهردهم مهترسی به جاشبوونهوهداین. ئهم کۆمهڵگایه له رێگای هاووڵاتی بوون، رێزی دهسهڵات بۆ خهڵک، سرینهوهی بهربهسته جوداکارهکان، کارکردن بۆ وێناکردی کورد وهک یهک.
سهرهتا ئهم چوار پرسیارهی که لێرهدا کراوه، ههرچواریان ههڵگری تایبهتمهندیهکن، ئهویش سروشتی داهاتوویه تیایندا. لهمه مهبهستم ئهوهیه، ئهم چوار پرسیاره پرسیارن دهربارهی ئهوهی له داهاتوودا چی دهگوزهرێ، چارهنوس چیه، ئێمه بهرهو کوێ دهرۆین. گرانی وهڵامی ئهم جۆره پرسیارانه لهوهدایه که یهکێک له خهسڵهتهکانی داهاتوو ئهوهیه که ههمیشه برێکی زۆر له نهێنی له خۆیدا حهشارداوه. بهڵام سهرباری ئهوه دهتوانرێ له ههندێ جێگای دونیادا باشتر بزانرێت که ئاراستهی دیاریدهیهک بهرهوکوێ دهروات، بهڵام له ههندێ جێگای تردا کارێکی وا زۆر ستهمه. ئهم جیاكاریه دهگهرێتهوه بۆ ئهوهی کێ له بهرێوبردنی رووداوهکاندا خاوهن دهسهڵاته. بۆ نموونه له رۆژئاوا دهتوانرێ بوترێت ههموو دیاریدهیهک، تا ئاستێکی زۆر له نێو چوارچێوهێ یاسادا روودهدا، کهسهکان کاریگهریان ههیه بهڵام بهشێوهیهکی سنوردار. ئهمه له جێگایهکی وهك عێراق و کوردوستان به پێچهوانهیه. لهوێ کهسهکان و بهرژهوهندیهکانیان له سهروی ههموو شتێکهوهن. بۆیه قسهکردن له سهر داهاتوو ههمیشه دهبێ ئهوه له بهرچاوبگیرێت که کاراکتهرهکان چۆن ههڵسوکهوت ئهکهن. زانینی ئهمه مهحاڵه، چونکه له راستیا کاراکتهرهکان خۆیان نازانن چۆن له بهرامبهر رووداوهکاندا ههڵوێست وهرئهگرن. بۆیه ئهوهی که پێی دهگوترێت سیاسهت: نه زانسته نه هونهر، نه پهیوهندی به یاساوه ههیه، نه خهلک. سیاسهت لێرهدا یاریهکه که کهسهکان به پێی تێگهشتنی ئهو ساتهیان بۆ رووداوهکان پێی ههڵدهستن. زۆربهی جار ئهم تێگهیشتنه مایهی سهرسورمانه تهنانهت بۆ ئهنجامدهرانیشی پاش روودانیان. له رێگای ئهم
پێشهکیهوه دهمهوێ ئهو چوارچێوهیه دیاریکهم که وهڵامهکانی ئهم پرسیارانه تیایا دهرئهکهون.
پرسیاری یهک:
من چۆن دهنوارمه ههڵبژاردنهکانی عێراق؟ ئهمه سهرهتای پرسیارهکهیه، پاشان پرسی رهگ داکوتانی دیموکراسی کراوه، ئینجا به گشتی پرسی داهاتوو، و سیناریوکانی. پرسیارهکه ئهوهم پێ دهلێت که مهبهست له روودانی ههڵبژاردن، رهگداکوتانی دیموکراسیه. لێرهدا ههڵبژاردن وهک رووداوێک تهماشاکراوه که چاوهنواری ئهوهی لێئهکرێت ببێته هۆی رهگ داکوتانی دیموکراسی. ئهم چاوهنواریکردنه له جێی خۆیدایه بهڵام تا ئاستێکی زۆر ئاڵۆزه. له ههموو ههڵبژاردنێکا له عێراق سێ ههڵبژاردن بهرێوهئهچێت. ههڵبژاردنی شیعهکان، ههڵبژاردنی سوننهکان، وه ههڵبژاردنی کوردهکان، ئهمه ئهگهر ئهو کهمینه بچکۆلهکانی تر له بهرچاو نهگرین. کهواته عێراق وهک بۆتهقهیهک که به ناچاری ئهم ههموو دژهی تیاکۆبوهتهوه ناتوانرێت به هیچ شێوهیهک وهک دهوڵهتێکی نهتهوهیی تهماشا بکرێت. دهرئهنجامی ئهمه ئهوهیه ههڵبژاردن دیاریدهیهکی دیموکراسی نیه، بهڵکو بریتیه له ناردنی نوێنهر بۆئهوهی له گهڵ نوێنهری پێکهێنهرهکانی تردا بکهوێته ململانێوه چونکه ههموو پێکهێنهرێک وا وێنای ئهو پێکهێنهرهکانی تر ئهکات که دهیانهوێت خراپ مامهڵهیان بکهن. لهم چوارچێوهیهدا، مرۆڤ بوونی نیه، تاک بوونی نیه، کێشه بوونی نیه، هاووڵاتی بوونی نیه، پهیوهندی دهوڵهت هاووڵاتی له ئارادانیه. ئهوهی ههیه شهری پێکهاتهکانه بۆ پچرینی زۆرترین دهسکهوت. له دهرئهنجامدا دهتوانین بڵێین ئهوهی که له عێراقدا رووئهدات ئیتنۆکراسیه که یانی دهسهڵاتی ئیتنیکهکان. ئهم جۆره جودایه له دیموکراسی، وه دهتوانم بڵێم زۆر دووره له دیموکراسی.
ئهگهر لێرهدا ههوڵبدهین وهڵامی شکست و سهرکهوتن بدهینهوه ئهوا دهبێ بپرسین شکست و سهرکهوتنی دیمۆکراسی که یانی دهسهڵاتی خهلک، یان پرسی شکست و سهرکهوتنی ئیتنۆکراسی که یانی دهسهڵاتی کهمینهکان. دیاره کاتێک ئێمه ئهوهمان بهرچاوخست که دیموکراسی له ئارادا نیه، ئهوا دهتوانین بڵێن پرسی شکست و سهرکهوتن بێمانایه. بهڵام ئهگهر بپرسین ئایا عێراق بهردهوام دهبێت لهم پرۆسهیه یان هێزێک یان نوێنهری ئیتنیکێک باڵ بهسهر دۆخهکهدا دهکێشێ. شیعه و سوننه ههمیشه له خهیاڵی ئهوهدان که دهسهڵاتێکی سهرتاسهری تۆتالیتاری ههمیشهییان ههبێت، وه له رێیهوه ههموو داهاتی ووڵات بۆ خۆیان بهرن و باس له سهقامگیری و یهکێتی خاک و گهلی عێراق بکهن. دیاره عهقڵی ئیتنیک عهقڵی خێڵه. له عێراقدا ئیتنیک وهک کهلتور و دونیا بینی بوونی نیه، بهڵکو خێڵ و بههاکانی ئهو بۆشاییهی پڕکردوهتهوه. عهقڵی خێڵ پێویستی به قسهلهسهرکردنی ئهنتۆپۆلۆجی زۆره. (ههندێک دهوڵهتناسی فهرنسی ئهم کارهیان کردوه له میانهی لێکۆڵینهوهیان دهربارهی ئهفریقا)، لهبهر ئاڵۆزی بابهتهکه و جوادیی ناوچهکه من لێرهدا خۆمی لێ ئهپارێزم. بهڵام دهبێت ئهوه روون بێت که عهقڵی خێڵ عهقڵی کۆمهڵگایی نیه، عهقڵی مرۆڤ دۆستی نیه، عهقڵی داننا نیه بهبوونی ئهویتردا. عهقڵیکه تا سهر ئێسقان نا مۆدرێن، نا شارستانی، نا مرۆڤانه. دیاره ئهمرۆی عێراق که رووپۆشێکی ئیسلامی ههیه، ئهم دیاریدهیهی هێندهی تر ئاڵۆزکردوه. چونکه ئیسلام خاوهنی هیچ تیورهیهک نیه دهربارهی دهوڵهت یان سهروهری. ههر ئهمهش بووه مایهی ئهوه ههرزوو ئیسلام ببێته نێچیرێک بهدهست بنهماڵه دهسهڵاتدارهکانی پێش ئیسلامهوه. له ئهمرۆی عێراقدا ئیسلام روویهکی توندروی پر توندوتیژی بهخشێیوهته دهسهلاتی خێڵ. له ههموو خراپتر ئهو دهسهڵاته نامرۆڤانهیهی پیرۆزکردوه.
ئهمرۆ له دونیادا دیموکراسی له قهیراندایه، ستهمه چاوهروانی ئهوه بکرێت له ووڵاتێکی دواکهوتووی وهک عێراقدا، که ههرکهسه و تهنها بۆئهوهی دهیهوێ له دهسهڵاتدابێت ههتا وورگ و گیرفان و بانکهکانی پڕکات، دیموکراسی بێته ئاراوه.
پرسیاری دوو
کورد کهمینهیهکی نهویستراوه له عێراقدا. خهڵكی کورد دوور له ناوهند له چیاکان ئهژین. بۆیه دهتوانرێت بوترێت که شێوازێک له ململانێ له ئارادایه ئهویش ململانێی ناوهند و کهنار. دهتوانرێت ئهم ململانێیه وهک تهرازویهک وێنابکرێت. ههتا ناوهند بههێزبێت فشار له سهر کورد زیاتر دهبێت، وه کورد له ئهنجامدا بێهێزدهبێت. کهواته ناوهندێکی بههێز، که رهنگه له ئهنجامی سهقامگیریهوه بێته ئاراوه، به زیانی کورد بشکیتهوه. بهڵام له ههمانکاتدا ناوهندێکی شکستخواردو به زیانی کورد دهشکێتهوه. چونکه به هۆی ئهو جێگا جوگرافیهی باشوری کوردوستان، عێراقی لاواز له قازانجی کوردنابێت.
پرسی ئهوهی ئهی چی بهسهر ماددهکانی دهستوردا دێت. له دۆخی بههێزی ناوهنددا دهستور دهبێت ئهو دهستورهی که له سوریا و میسر و ئوردون و ووڵاتانی تری ناوچهکه ههیه یان بهتهوای وهلا ئهخرێت یان ههر برگهیهکی له خزمهتی زیاتر دهسهڵاتی ناوهنددابێت پهیرهو دهکرێت و ئهویتری خۆمان خۆش.
دیاره لێرهدا دهبێ ئاماژه به بوونی ئهمریکا بکهین. ئایا عێراق دهبێته دیموکراسیهکی ئهمریکی، ئایا عێراق پرۆژهیهکی ئهمریکیه. ئهمریکای سهردهمی هاتنی بۆ عێراق له گهڵ ئهمریکای ئهمرۆدا جودایه. ئهمریکای ئهو سهردهمه خهونی گۆرینی رۆژههڵاتی ناوهراستی ههبوو بۆ پێکهاتهیهکی جودا. بۆ کۆمهڵه ووڵاتێکی لیبرالی کراوهی سهر به ئهمریکا. هاتنی بۆ عێراق بۆئهوه بوو ئهم پلانه بهجێ بهێنی. بهڵام ههتا ئێستا ئهم پلانه تهنها به ئاراستهی پێچهوانهدا ئهروات. ئهمریکای ئهمرۆ له خهمی ئهوهدایه چۆن خۆی رزگارکات. چۆن بکهوێتهوه سهر پێ. ههمیشه خهمی خۆ، زیاتر به هێند وهرئهگیرێ له خهمی دوور. بۆیه ئهمرۆ لهوه ئهچێت پرۆژهی ئهمریکی ئهوه بێت که چۆن دۆخێکی وهها بهێنرێته ئاراوه که بتوانرێت بهبێ ئهوهی ووڵاته له دهستچیت بتوانرێت لێی دوورکهوێتهوه. بۆیه له ئهمرۆدا خهمی ئهمریکا سهقامگیریه له بڕی دیمۆکراسی. کهمکردنهوهی فشاره. ههر لهم روانگهیهوه دهتوانرێت فشارهکانی ئهم دواییهی بۆ سهر کورد لێکبدرێتهوه.
پرسیاری سێ
وهک له لێکدانهوهکهی سهرهوه روونمانکردهوه روودانی دیمۆکراسی له عێراق یانی ناردنی نوێنهر بۆ پهرلهمان بۆ شهرکردن بۆ کهمینهکهیان. به پێی ئهم هاوکێشهیه ههتا نوێنهر کهمتربێت هێز کهمتر دهبێت و له ئهنجامدا نوێنهرایهتی و دهسکهوت و کهمتره. له دۆخێکی وههادا کاتێک ههموو کهمینهیهک به گومانه له ئهویتر، چهندین دیواری ئهستور له نێوان پێکهاتهکاندا ههیه، ناتوانرێت ووڵاتێکی دیومکراسی بێته ئاراوه. بۆیه کهمبوونهوهی کورسی کورد بێگومان دهبێته هۆی کهمبوونهوهی مافی کورد. لێرهدا دیموکراسی له بڕی قازانج دهبێته زیان بهخش. بۆیه له عێراقدا دهبێت ئهم تایبهتگیریه له بهرچاوبگیرێت. دهبێ ههرگیز کار بهو ئاراستهیه نهکات که عهرهب ببنه خاوهنی یهک ههڵوێست. چونکه له بارێکی وههادا کورد به ههموو شێوهیهک زیان بهخش دهبێت. یهکببونی ههڵوێستی ههموو عهرهب له دژی کورد ههمیشه له ئارادایه. به پێچهوانی ئهوهی که سیاسهتمهدارهکانی کورد چاوهروانیان ئهکرد.
پرسیاری چوار
تهوافوق ئهگهرچی لایهنی تاریکیشی ههبوو بهڵام ئهو گرنگیهی ههبوو که هیچ کهمینهیهک پشتگوێ نهئهخرا. له پاش تهوافوق یاسای گهمهکه دهگۆرێت. ئهوهی زۆرینهیه زۆرترین دهسهڵات له سهر حیسابی ئهویتر به دهستدههێنێ. بۆیه بۆ کورد چهند رێگایهک ههیه: یهک نابێت ههرگیز، ههتا بۆی بکرێت بچێته خانهی ئۆپۆزسیونهوه. چونکه دوورکهوتنهوهی له پێگهی دهسهڵات له نهمانی تهوافوقدا دهبێته هۆی ئهوهی که ههموو مافهکان بکهونه ژێر مهترسیهوه. دوو، دهبێ کورد جگه له کورسی و ژمارهی کورسی کارت تر بهکاربهێنێت. کارتی نهتهوایهتی، بۆ نموونه، ئهمهش به بههێز کردنی پێگهی خۆ وهک پێکهاتهیهکی جودا. به جۆرێک که حکومهتی ناوهند ناچاربێت بکهوێته بهردهم پرسی ئهوهی ئهگهر کورد بهشێک نهبن له حکومهت ئهوا عێراق نابێته ووڵاتێکی سهقامگیر. سێ دهبێ کورد له روانگهی دیدی ئهوانی ترهوه له عێراقدا له دۆخی سیاسی ناوخۆیدا بچێتهوه. گهلیک که له چوار ملیون کهس زیاتر ئهگهر وهک هێزێکی یهکگرتوو دهرکهوێت که بزانێت ویست و خواستی چیه، نوێنهرهکانی نوێنهری راستهقینهی خهڵک بن، سیاسهت ببێته ههوڵی پێکهوهژیانی کۆمهلگای کوردی ئهوا کورد دهبێته هێزێک که کهس ناتوانێت پشتگوێیخات. بهڵام ئێمه بهو ئاراستهیهدا نارۆین. ئێمه ههتا بێت شپرزه دهبین، گهندهڵ دهبین، خهڵکی کوردوستان دهتورێن له دهسهڵات، دۆستی بیانی دوورئهکهونهوه، ئێمه هیچ به دهست ناهێنێن ئهگهر له ههموو روویهکهوه تۆکمهو پڕچهک و له خۆ بوردوو نهبین.
دهبێ ئهوه بزانین که ئێمه ههستی نهتهوه بوونمان لاوازه. دهرفهتێکی باش بوو لهم چهند ساڵانهی دهسهڵاتی کوردیا کار بهو ئاراستهیه بکرایه. بهڵام ئێمه لهوه ناچێت هیچ پلان و بهرنامه و خواستمان ههبێت. ههمیشه کورتبین، خهڵهفاو، درهنگ به ئاگاهاتوو. دیاره خیتابی یهکخستنی ماڵی کورد له ئارادایه، بهڵام له راستیا بۆئهو مهبهسته نیه که بانگهشهی بۆئهکرێت. ئێمه ئهوهنده دواکهوتووین ناتوانین له گهڵ خۆمانا ههڵکهین. ئێمه دهمانتوانی کۆمهڵگایهک بهێنینه ئاراوه که ناوهند ههرگیز نهتوانێ بیرلهوه بکاتهوه که جارێکی تر ئهتوانێ دهستی بهسهرا بگرێت، بۆیه ناچاربێت به خواستهکانی رازی بێت. بهڵام ئێمه هێشتا لهبهردهم مهترسی به جاشبوونهوهداین. ئهم کۆمهڵگایه له رێگای هاووڵاتی بوون، رێزی دهسهڵات بۆ خهڵک، سرینهوهی بهربهسته جوداکارهکان، کارکردن بۆ وێناکردی کورد وهک یهک.
Wednesday, September 8, 2010
خوێندنهوهی دۆخی کورد له روانگهی ئهگامبینهوه
دۆخی کورد له ژێر سایهی سهروهری ئهو ووڵاتانهی که تیا ئهژین، ئهمه ناونیشانی بابهتێکه له رۆژی 26 ئهیلول، سهردار عهزیز کاندیدی دوکتۆرا له زانکۆی کۆرک له ئایرهلهندا، له کۆنفرانسیکا که لهلایهن زانکۆی بێرگن (له ووڵاتی نهرویژ)، بهشی رۆژههڵاتی ناوهراست سازئهکرێت، پێشکهشی ئهکات. ئهم بابهته ههوڵدانێکه بۆ خوێندنهوهی دۆخی کورد له روانگهی فهلسهفهی فهیلهسوفی پۆستمۆدرێنی ئیتالی جۆرجیو ئهگامبین. ئهو چهمکانهی که لهم دیدهدا بهکاردهبرێت بریتین له هۆمۆ-ساکهر (مرۆڤی پیرۆز)، خهڵك، ئههلی زیمه، سۆڤرن (سهروهر) و چهندێکی تر. کۆنفرانسهکه به زمانی ئینگلیزیه. شوێن ئوتێل نیپتۆن.
دۆخی کورد له ژێر سایهی سهروهری ئهو ووڵاتانهی که تیا ئهژین، ئهمه ناونیشانی بابهتێکه له رۆژی 26 ئهیلول، سهردار عهزیز کاندیدی دوکتۆرا له زانکۆی کۆرک له ئایرهلهندا، له کۆنفرانسیکا که لهلایهن زانکۆی بێرگن (له ووڵاتی نهرویژ)، بهشی رۆژههڵاتی ناوهراست سازئهکرێت، پێشکهشی ئهکات. ئهم بابهته ههوڵدانێکه بۆ خوێندنهوهی دۆخی کورد له روانگهی فهلسهفهی فهیلهسوفی پۆستمۆدرێنی ئیتالی جۆرجیو ئهگامبین. ئهو چهمکانهی که لهم دیدهدا بهکاردهبرێت بریتین له هۆمۆ-ساکهر (مرۆڤی پیرۆز)، خهڵك، ئههلی زیمه، سۆڤرن (سهروهر) و چهندێکی تر. کۆنفرانسهکه به زمانی ئینگلیزیه. شوێن ئوتێل نیپتۆن.
دهربارهی رۆمان
هونهری رۆمان و ئێمه
هونهری نوسینی رۆمان، بهگشتی، هونهرێکی نوێیه. له دونیای رۆشنبیری کوردیا هێشتا له چهکهرهدایه. لهم چهند ستونهی داهاتوودا؛ ههوڵئهدهم له رۆمان رامێنم له دونیای کوردیا. سهرهتا دهبێت ههندێک روونکردنهوه بدهم. مهبهستی من خوێندنهوهی رۆمانی کوردی نیه، چونکه من نهخوێنهرێکی باشی رۆمانی کوردیم وه نهرهخنهگری ئهدهبیم. بۆ من رۆمان دهقێکه که رۆڵی گرنگی ههیه له بونیادنانی ئاگایی، تاک و کۆمهڵدا. پانتاییهکه که خهسڵهتی تایبهتی خۆی ههیه، له ههمانکاتدا ههست ئهکهم کهمئاگاییهک ههیه بهرامبهر ئهم ژانرهیه. کهمئاگایی لای خوێنهر وه ههروهها له دونیای رهخنهی کوردیا. ههروهها برواشم وایه که ئهم هونهره له ههموو هونهرێکی تر زیاتر دهتوانێ رۆڵی گرنگ بگێرێت له بونیادنانی، مرۆڤ، سیاسهت، دیموکراسی، دایهلۆگ، سنگفراوانی، وه ههروهها ههستکردن و بینین. کهواته خوێندنهوهی من بۆ رۆمان خوێندنهوهیهکی سیاسیه. بۆ من رۆمان، تهنانهت ناسیاسی ترین رۆمانیش، که له راستیا بوونی نیه، ههوڵێکی سیاسیانهیه. مهبهستمان له سیاسهت بهگشتی و به سادهیی ژایانێک و ژیارێکی باشتر، که له ههمانکاتدا پێکهوهبونێکی باشتر، به مرۆڤ مانهوه لهگهڵ ئهویتردا، بوار ههبوون بۆ جیاوازبوون.
بهلای هینری جێمسهوه تهنها بههانهیهک بۆ بوونی رۆمان ئهوهیه که ههوڵئهدات نوێنهرایهتی ژیان بکات. لێرهدا ههردوو ووشهی نوێنهرایهتی و ژیان پێویستیان به ساتێک له تێرامانه. ژیان ئاڵۆزه، هێنده ئاڵۆزه که مهحاڵه نوێنهرایهتی بکرێت. ژیان بریتیه له رابوردوو، له ئێستا، وه له داهاتوو. بچوکترین ساتهوهخت وهرگرین له ژیاندا ئهم ههموو رهههندهی ژیانی تیادا ئامادهیه. له ههمانکاتدا بریتیه له ووترا و نهوتراو، نه دیار و نادیار، له حهڵاڵ و حهرام، له تابۆ و تهوتهم، زۆری تریش. بیر له یولوسێسی جویس بکهرهوه، ههوڵدانێکه بۆ تێگهیشتن له ئێستا له ساتهوهختی ژیاو، بهڵام ههوڵێکی ئاڵۆز، ههوڵێک که له راستیا خوێندنهوهی مهحاڵه لێگهرێ تێگهیشتنی. کهواته رۆمان لهمیانهی ئهم ههوڵهیدا ئێمه ئاشنا ئهکات به ئاڵۆزی، به فره-رهههندی، به مهحاڵێتی تێگهیشتن له ژیان. کهواته چی دی ناتوانین بڵیین ژیان ئهمهیه، یان ژیان ئهوهیه، ژیان فره-رهههند و فره-مهودا و فر- ئاسته.
ئهمه وا لهمن ئهکات رۆمان به ئهو ژانرهیه دابنێم که له ساتهوهختی هاتنه ئارایهوه ههمیشه به سروشتی خۆی پۆست مۆدرێن بووه. له کتێبی هونهری رۆماندا میلان کۆندێرا زۆر به زهقی ئاماژه بهمه ئهدات. کۆندێرا دهڵێ دهبێ سێرڤانتس به هاوشانی دیکارت دابنێین. ئهگهر دیکارت سهرهتای مۆدێرنهیه ئهوا سێرڤانتس سهرهتای پۆستمۆدێرنهیه که له ههناوی مۆدێرنهدا ئامادهبووه. پۆستمۆدرێن به مانای ههڵوێستێکی رهخنهییانه بهرامبهر عهقڵ و تواناکانی.
له ستونانهدا من ههوڵئهدهم دهرباری، ئهزموونی خوێندنهوهی رۆمان قسهبکهم. بۆچی ئێمه رۆمانخوێن-نین، بۆچی پێویستیهکی سیاسی و کۆمهڵایهتی و ئابوری و تهنانهت بونگهراییه که ئێمه ببینه گهلێکی رۆمانخۆین. ههروهها ههوڵ ئهدهم قسه دهربارهی رۆماننوس بکهم، ئهو کهسهی که دهبینێ، که دهتوانێ ژیانی ئهوانی تر بژێت، بۆچی بونهوهرێکی وهها کهسێکی ئاسایی نیه، بۆچی دهبێ تا سهر ئێسقان دیموکراسی بێت. ههروهها نیازم وایه ستونێک بۆ رۆمان و دیموکراسی، یهکێ تر دهربارهی رۆمان له نێوان مۆدرێن و پۆستمۆدرێندا تهرخانکهم. بۆ کۆتایی هێنان ستونێک دهربارهی رۆمان و پرۆسهی هاووڵاتی دروستکردن. دیاره له ناواخنی ئهمانهشدا قسه له سهر هیومانیزمی نوێ ئهکهم، که تیایا عهقڵ پاشهکشهی کردوه وه ئهخلاق جێی گرتوهتهوه.
رۆمان دهقێکی دهگمهنه. بۆخۆی جۆرێکه له ئهزموونکردن. ناوهندێکه که ژیان تیایا دهگوزهرێ، ژیانێک به پێچهوانهی ژیانی ژیاوهوه بهتاڵ له نهێنی. بۆیه ئهم ژیانهی ناو رۆمان له ژیان خۆی ناچێت. ئێمه له میانهی ئهمهدا دهرفهتمان ههیه ژیانێکی تر بژین، وهک پامۆک دهڵێت. ژیانێک به تهنیشت ژیانهوه له ههمانکاتدا. ژیانێک که ژیانی راستهقینه بوارمان پێنادات.
له رۆماندا ههموو کهسێک قسهئهکات، ههموو کهسێ دهرفهتی بۆ ئهرهخسێ ههتا حاڵی خۆی بهیانکات. زمانی رۆمان جیاوازه، بهگشتی زمانێکی شیعری نیه، زمانی شیعر زمانی مرۆڤ نیه، دهکرێ بوترێت زمانێکی خوداییه. بهڵام ئهمه مانای ئهوهنیه که رۆمان له شیعریهت بهدهره بهڵام شیعریهتی تایبهت بهخۆی ههیه. رۆمان سهردهمێک دێنێته ئاراوه که چی دی ئیتر تهنها فهیلهسوفان نیه که بۆیان ههیه بدوێن، چی دی مهلاکان نیه، به زمانه ناپهیوهند و پڕ له ترسهکانیانهوه مافی قسهکردنیان ههیه، چی دی تهنها پیاو ماقوڵان نیه، دهم سپیان نین، بهڵکو ژن، ئافرهت، مناڵ، ههژار، دۆراو، لاو، تاوانبار، ههموو بۆیان ههیه قسهبکهن، دیدیان ههبێت. وهک له چهمکی پۆلی-فۆنیدا دهیبینین، فرهدهنگیهک ههیه، بهڵام بهبێ ئهوهی دهنگی کهس مافی ئهوهی ههبێت که دهنگێکی تر کزکات، یان بێدهنگی کات.
رۆمان وهک دهرئهنجامی ناراستهوخۆ کار ئهکات بۆ بونیادنانی نهتهوه، ووڵات، ههروهها وهک من دهمهوێت لهم ستونانهدا بیوروژێنم، بهتایبهت بۆ گهلێکی وهک کورد که به مۆدێرنه و مێژووه دوور و درێژهکهی نائاشنایه، رۆمان دهتوانێت رۆڵی بونیاد نانی هاووڵاتی ببینێت. بهڵام لهسهرووی ههموو ئهمانهوه رۆمان کار له سهر بونیادنانی مرۆڤ ئهکات. مرۆڤ وهک بونهوهرێکی فیزیکی نه بهڵکو وهک جۆرێک له ناسنامهی نوێ. ئادهمیزاد له رێی خوێندنهوهی رۆمانهوه دهبێته مرۆڤ. دیاره ئهم رستهیه ئاسانیه، مرۆڤ یانی کهسێک که خۆیهتی وه وهک خۆی بهشێکه له دونیا. وه بوونی بهشیک له دونیا له رێگای باوهر یان ئایدهلۆژیایهکهوه نیه بهڵکو له رێگای دیاریدهیهکهوهیه که مرۆڤه.
رۆماننوسین، رۆمان خوێندنهوه ئێمه ناچار ئهکات بهگهرانهوه بۆ خۆمان. بۆ خۆناسین، بۆ نموونه ئهگهر رۆمانێک له سلێمانی بنوسرێت دهربارهی ئهوهی ژیان چۆن ئهگوزهرێت بۆ کهسێکی وورده فرۆش له بهردهم مزگهوتی گهورهدا ئێمه به دیدێکی تایبهت به ژیان ئاشنا ئهکات، که له کاتێکا وا ههست ئهکهین که پێی ئاشناین بهڵام له راستیا که زۆرینهمان پێی ئاشنانین. بۆئهوهی رۆمان بهم ئهرکانه ههستێت
که باوکم ژنی سێههمی هێنا من رۆمانی زۆربای نیکۆز کازانتزاکیم ئهخوێندهوه، بۆیه رووداوێکی نائاسایی وهها به لامهوه کارێکی ئاسایی بوو، یان زۆرباییانهبوو. پاش چهند ساڵێ لهمهوبهر لهشارێکی نێو چیا بهرزهکانی ئهلپ بهناوی ئینسبروک، ئێوارهیهکی هاوین، لهسکرینی سینهمایهکی هاوینهی گهورهوه لهحهوشهی قوتابخانهیهکا، که زۆربام به فلیم بینی، بۆم دهرکهوت که ئهو رۆژگارانهی که زۆربام دهخوێندهوه (به زمانی عارهبان)، هێشتا مێردمنداڵ بووم، زۆر ههڵهبووم. بهڵام رۆمانهکه به دڵنیاییهوه کاریگهری ههبوو لهسهر ههڵوێستم. ئێما بۆڤاری لهرۆمانی مهدام بۆڤاری فلۆبێردا کاتێک که عهشق لێیدهدا، لهو ساتهوهختهدا بیری ئهکهوێتهوه که لهعاشقی نێو رۆمانهکان ئهچێت. بۆ لێکۆڵهرهوهی فهرهنسی رێنێ جێرارد ئهمه کردهی لاساییه. ئهم کردهیه سهرهکیترین کاره که مرۆڤ لهژیانیا پێی ههڵئهستێ. کهواته دهکرێ دهقێک بمانگۆڕێت، به هیوام ههمیشه بهرهو باش.
مرۆڤ لهمیانهی ژیانیاندا ههمیشه لهههوڵی خۆحهشاردانو ماسک-پۆشینه. ئهم ههوڵه لهڕێگای جلوبهرگ، شێوازی قسهکردن، کارکردن، ژنهێنان، جۆرهکانیتری پهیوهندییهکانهوه پیادهدهکرێت. ئهم شاردنهوهیهی خود، خودی راستهقینه لهئهوانیتر، وهها لهمرۆڤهکان ئهکات ههمیشه به ترسهوه لهگهڵ یهکدا مامهڵه بکهن، ههمیشه لهخهمی ئهوهدابن که ئهویتر پێیان نهزانێ که خودی راستهقینهیان کێیه. لهدهرئهنجامدا پلهو پایه دروست دهبێت، پێگهی کۆمهڵایهتی دێته ئاراوه، بهم شێوهیه، بهشێکی زۆری ژیانی مرۆڤ لهدروستکردنی جیاوازی بێ بنهمادا به فیڕۆ ئهچێت.
کرداری رۆمان-خوێندنهوه ساتهوهختی رووتبوونهوهیه. ئهو کاتهیه که مرۆڤ بواری بۆ ئهڕهخسێت کهسێکیتر بهبێ هیچ پهردهو پۆشاکێك ببینێ. کهسێک لهناخهوه، لهخهونو ئارهزوو نهێنیهکانیهوه. ئهم کرداری چونه ناوهوه، کرداری ئاشنابوونه به مرۆڤ وهک بونهوهرێکی ئاڵۆزی، ناجێگیری، پڕ لهئازار. ئهمه شهره لهگهڵ مۆدێرنهدا. مرۆڤ به تهنها بونهوهرێکی عاقڵانه نیه، لهههموو ساتێکا، لهبهرامبهر ههموو شتێکا گومان ناکات یان بیرناکاتهوه، بهڵکو چهندین فاکتهری تر ههن لهپشت ههڵسوکهوتو بڕیاردانیهوه. وهک کورد دهڵێت ههمیشه عهقڵ میوان نیه.
رۆمان لهووشه پێکهاتووه. وشه دهبێته کهرهستهی خهیاڵی ئێمه. رهنگه یهكێك لهقهیرانهکانی دیکتاتۆریهت ئهمه بێت. دیکتاتۆر ئهو کهسهیه که ناتوانێ لهڕێگای وشهوه ببێته بهشێک لهژیانی ئهوانیتر بۆیه ناچاره لهرێگای زهبرو هێزهوه ئهو کاره ئهنجامدات. گهرچی کورد دهڵێت کهس به خهیاڵ نهبووه به ماڵ، لهراستیا کهس بێخهیاڵ نهبووه به ماڵ.
ئێمه لهڕێگای خوێندنهوهی وشهوه دهرفهتی ئهوهمان بۆ دهرخسێت ببینه کهسێکیتر، ژیانێکیتر بژین. مرۆڤ لهمیانهی ژیانیدا ئهوهنده دهرفهتی نیه ژیانێکیتر بژی. رهنگه کهسێک ههموو تهمهنی پهنچهرچی بێت، بهڵام خولیای ئهوهبکات بزانێت سهرۆکی وڵات چۆن ئهژی، کچی دراوسێیهکهیان، که لهبانقه، خهون به چییهوه دهبینێت، بوون به رۆژنامهنووس چ جۆرێکه لهشێتی. ئهمه مهحاڵیکه تهنها لهڕێگای رۆمانهوه مهیسهر دهبێت. خهیاڵکردنی ژیانی ئهوانیتر، یان ژیاندنی ژیانی ئهوانیتر لهڕێگای خهیاڵهوه دهرفهت بۆ خوێنهر دهخولقێنێ که کراوهبێت بهرامبهر به ئهویتر، مرۆڤهکان به ئاڵۆزیهکانیانهوه، به گرێکانیانهوه ههماههنگکات. لهدۆخێکی وههادا چیدی ناتوانێت کورتیانکاتهوه بۆ ناوو ناتۆرهی جیاجیا. مرۆڤ ئهو بونهوهرهیه که ناتوانرێت ناوبنرێت، وهک ئالان بادیو دهڵێت ههر ههوڵدانێک بۆ ناونانی ناونهنراو جۆرێکه لهتوندوتیژی. بۆیه ههرناونانێک بۆ مرۆڤ جۆرێکه لهتوندوتیژی بهرامبهر بهم بونهوهره. ئهمه زۆر به روونی لهکهلتوری پێش رۆمان، یان کهلتوری نائاشنا به رۆمان دهرئهکهوێت. کورتکردنهوهی مرۆڤ بۆ باش یان خراپ، جوان یان ناشیرین، ئیماندار یان بێ-ئیمان، پرۆلیتاریا یان سهرمایهدار جۆرێکه لهتوندوتیژی وه دهبێته هۆی بهرههمهێنانی توندوتیژی. رهنگه لهم سهردهمهی ئێمهدا دیاریدهی تهکفیر یهکێک بێت لهدهرکهوته ناشیرینهکانی ئهم دونیابینیه. ئیان ماکوین دهربارهی رووداوی یانزهی سیپتهمبهر دهڵێت ئهگهر ئهنجامدهرانی ئهو کاره به رۆمان ئاشنا بوونایه ئهوا رهنگه نهیانتوانیایه ئهو کاره ئهنجامدهن.
ئهمه ئهمانباته نێو دونیایهکی زۆر ئاڵۆزهوه، که لێرهدا تهنها ئاماژهی پێئهدهین ئهویش دونیای دادگاییکردنه. مرۆڤی باوهڕدار (باوهڕ دهکرێ ئاینو نائاینیش بێت) ئهو مرۆڤهیه که بهئاسانی ههمیشه لهکرداری دادگاییکردنی ئهوانیتردایه. بهڵام ههرگیز ناتوانێ خۆی دادگاییکات. ئهم دیاریدهیه ئهمرۆ به شێوهیهکی زۆر بهربڵاو لهکۆمهڵگای ئێمهدا باوه. لهکاتێکا ئاین یان خواپهرستی دهبێت بریتی بێت لهخود-دادگاییکردن. (لهداهاتوودا دهربارهی چۆنێتی خواپهرستی دهنوسین).
بهڵام بۆ ئهوهی تێگهیشتنێکی قووڵترمان ههبێت بۆ رۆمان، دهبێ ئاشنابین به ستایلهکانی نوسینی رۆمان. دهکرێ رۆمان وهک وانهیهک لهقوتابخانهکان بوترێتهوه. وانهیهک به مهبهستی چۆنێتی تێگهیشتن لهمرۆڤ لهسهردهمی عهلمانیهتدا. ستایلی نوسینی رۆمان زۆرن. لێرهدا ئێمه مهبهستمان ئهو شێوازانهیهکه رۆماننوس بهکاریان دهبات بۆ نوسینی دهقهکهی. بۆ نموونه شێوازی گهورهکردن ههیه، رۆماننوس دیاریدهکان گهورهئهکات، تۆماس بێرنهارد نموونهی ئهم دیدهیه. شێوازی بچوککردنهوه ههیه، دیاریدهکان کهمنرخ دهبن لهساتی گێڕانهوهدا. شێوازی ئۆکسیمۆرۆن ههیه یانی دژایهتی، شێوازی مێژوویی ههیه، دیاره رۆمانێک که لهساتهوهختێکی مێژوویدا رووئهدات مانای ئهوه نیه مێژوو دهگێڕێتهوه چونکه مێژوو تهنها وهک شانۆیهک بهکاردێت، شێوازی ئهلهگۆری ههروهها شیوازی شهپۆلی هۆشو چهندین شێوازی تریش.
بهڵام سهرباری ئهمه ههروهها ئهوهی گرنگه بزانرێت دیده، کهسایهتی یان کهسایهتییهکانی نێو دهقهکه لهچ دیدێکهوه دونیا دهبینێت، لهکوێی پێکهاتهی کۆمهڵگادان، بۆ وهها قسهئهکهن، وهها دهبینن، وهها بیرئهکهنهوه، خهم یان خۆشی لهو جۆرهیان ههیه.
دهبێ رۆمان وهها مامهڵهی لهگهڵا بکرێت، که دهقی سهردهمی پاش دهقه پیرۆزهکانه، ههروهها دهقه وردهکهی پاش مهرگی حهکایهته گهورهکانه (مۆدێرنه). بۆیه دهبێ وهک دهقێکی پیرۆز بخوێنرێتهوه لهسهردهمی مهرگی پیرۆزیا. لهههمانکاتدا وهک پانتاییهک مامهڵهی لهگهڵا بکرێت که تیایا بوون دهرفهتی بۆ دهڕهخسێت ههتا ببێت-به-بوونێکیتر. رۆمان به خۆمانو مرۆڤهکانیترو دهوروبهرمان ئاشنا ئهکات. دهبێت لهلایهن کوردهوه نوسرابێت، کار له سهر کۆمهڵگای کوردی بکات. ستونی داهاتوو دهربارهی ئهزموونی خوێندنهوهی رۆمانهکێیه؟
لهڕاستیا دهبێ پرسیارهکه وههابێت: دهبێ رۆماننوس کێ بێت؟ وهڵامی ئهم پرسیاره لهدونیای ئهمڕۆدا ئاسان نیه. چونکه ئهمرۆ رۆمان وهک پیشهیهك، که رهنگه ببێته سهرچاوهی ناوبانگو داهاتێکی زۆر، خهڵکێکی زۆر ههوڵئهدهن فێری بن. لهزۆر زانکۆی دونیادا کۆرسی رۆماننوسین یان ئهوهی پێی دهڵێن نوسینی داهێنهرانه ههیه. بهنده چهند کۆرسێکی لهو جۆرهی دیوه، لەسهر دهستی چهند نوسهرێکی ناودار. بهڵام مرۆڤ تهنها به وهرگرتنی کۆرس یان لهڕێگای وانهوه فێری نوسین نابێت، وهك چۆن من نهبوومه چیرۆک یان رۆماننوس. (ههرچهنده ئاواتی من ئهوه بوو به زمانی ئینگلیزی بنوسم، ئادابی ئینگلیزی بخوێنم، لهکتێبخانهیهک کاربکهم، تۆزێ ریش بهێڵمهوه، جلی کۆن لهبهرکهم، زۆرتر گوێ لهمۆسیقا بگرم). بهڵام رۆژێ کچێکی فهرهنسی مهکرباز ههڵیخهڵهتانم که وهک ئهو کاروباری حکومهت بخوێنم، لهگهڵیا برۆم لهڕادیۆ دهربارهی سیاسهت قسهبکهم، ئیتر خهونهکانم وهرینو رۆحیشم ژهنگی ههڵهێنا.رۆماننوس زۆر به سادهیی ئهو کهسهیه که ههوڵئهدات دونیایهکیتر بخوڵقێنێ. دونیایهک کاتێک ئێمه وهک خوێنهرێکی دهبینه میوانی، دیدمان دهگۆڕێت، لهئهنجامدا لهپاش گهڕانهوهمان بۆ دونیای خۆمان به جۆرێکیتر دهبینین. ئهم گۆڕانه دهتوانرێت وهک گۆڕانی پارادایمی تهماشا بکرێت. گۆڕانی پارادیم بریتیه لهگۆڕانی سهرتاپایی دیدمان بهبهراورد بهو ئهو دیدهی که لهپێشینهدا ههمانبووه بهرامبهر دیاریدهیهك. ئهم پرۆسهیه بریتییه لهمیتامۆرفۆس تناسخ-بوون، لهجێگۆڕکێیهکی سهرتاپایی. رۆماننوس بۆئهوهی ببێته ئهو کهسهی که ئهم گۆڕانهمان تیا ئهنجامدات ئهوا دهبێت به قوڵیو به فرهمهودایی به دونیای ژیانراوماندا رۆچوبێت، ههتا بتوانێت وێنای دونیایهکی خهیاڵی بکات، تهریب به دونیای راستهقینه، که ببێته مایهی گۆڕانی دیدمان بۆ دونیای راستهقینه. کهواته رۆمان ئهزمونکردنه. ئهزمونکردن بریتیه لهههوڵدان بۆ دوورکهوتنهوه لهدووبارهکردنهوهی خود. ئێمه کاتێک ئهتوانین بڵێین ئهزمونمان کردوه که چیدی وهک خۆمان نهبین پاش دیاریدهی ئهزمونکردنهکه. بۆ نموونه ئهگهر سهفهرێک بکهینو هیچ گۆڕانێک بهسهر هیچ دیدێکمانا نههاتیبێت بۆ هیچ شتێک: ئهوا ئێمه لهمیانهی ئهو سهفهرهدا ئهزموونمان نهکردوه. سهفهرێکی بێ ئهزموون، وهک سهفهری زۆری زۆری کوردان. رۆماننوس، بۆئهوهی ئێمه ناچار بهئهزموونکردنمانکات ئهوا دهبێت ههردوو بههرهو تێرامان تێکهڵکات بهرامبهر بابهتهکهی. لهدهقێکی ههره گرنگا نوسهرو فهیلهسوفی رۆمانتیکی ئهڵمانی شیلهر دهربارهی ئهم بابهته دهنوسێت. دهقهکه لهژێرناوی دهربارهی شیعری ساویلکهو تێڕامانی. ههرچهنده بابهتهکهی شیلهر شیعره بهڵام دهتوانرێت پرنسیپه جوانناسیهکانی به سهر هونهری رۆمانیشدا بسهپێنرێت. لای شیلهر سروشت جوانه بهڵام لاساییکردنهوهی بهبێ تێڕامان کارێکی ساویلکانهیه، ئهو ئهم دهقهی لهمیانهی هێرشهکانیا نوسی لهسهر شاعیری گهورهی ئهڵمان گۆته. (ئهگهر شهڕی دونیای ئهدهبی ئێمه ببوایاته مایهی داهێنانی وهها، ئهوا ئێمه بێگومان دهبوینه یهکێک لەههره گهله بهبهرههمهکانی سهر گۆی زهوی). دهقهکهی شیلهر زۆر کانتیانهیه. کاری ئهدهب نیه دونیا وهک خۆی باسکات، گهرچی ئهوه رهنگه بۆخۆی کاریگهری زۆر لهسهر کهسهکان بهجێبهێڵێ بهڵام دهقی ئهدهبی پێویستی به تێڕامانه. لێرهوه دهتوانم قسه لهسهر ئهو دیدهبکهم که لهپێشینهدا ئاماژهم پێکرد، رۆماننوس دهبێ دیموکراسی بێت. دیاره مانای دیموکراسی لێردا لەهههمانکاتدا بهربڵاوو قووڵ وهرگیراوه. دیموکراسی بریتیه لهههبوونی پانتایی بۆ ههموان، بهبێ جیاوازی، بۆئهوهی وهک خۆیان ههبن. لهدونیای واقیعدا ئهمه مهحاڵه، ههموو کۆمهڵگایهك کۆمهڵیك ناکۆتا لهکۆتو زنجیرو پیرۆزی لێ ئاڵاوه که تاکهکان ناچار ئهکات بێنه سهر رێگای راست یان ریگای دیکتاتۆریهتی کۆمهڵگایی. کۆمهڵگا رێکدهخرێت، ههموو رێکخستنێکیش ههرهمییه، کهواته ههمیشه بهرزو نزم، پر بههاو کهم بهها بوونی ههیه. رۆماننوس دێت ئهمه دهبینێت، ههستی پێئهکات. چونکه بۆ زۆرینهیهکی خهڵك نهبینراوو ههستپێنهکراوه، بۆیه لهسهرهتا وهدهریان ئهخات. ئهمه وهها لهرۆمان ئهکات ههمیشه شێوازێکی زیادهرۆیی یان نائاسایی به سهر شێوازی گێرانهوهیدا زاڵ بێت. به گهورهکردن یان نائاساییکردن بچوکهکان ئهوهنده گهوره ئهبن ببینرێن، دهنگه لاوازهکان ئهوهنده نوزهیان لێدێت ههتا ببیسترێن، لهههمانکاتدا گهورهکانی ژیانی ژیارکراو ئهوهنده گهوره ئهبن لهبونهوهری وهک دهیناسور ئهچن. بۆئهوهی ئهمه فهراههم بێت شێوازی جۆراوجۆری گێڕانهوه دهبێت بگیرێته بهر.کهواته رۆماننوس دهبێ گوێی لهبێدهنگی بێت، نهبینراو ببینێت، ههمیشه لهڕوانگهیهکهوه بنوارێت که ئێمه وهک خوێنهر ناچارکات توشی سهرهگێژه بین، دهبێ ئهخلاقمان بخاته ژێر پرسیارهوه، باری دهرونییمان بشڵهقێنێ. کاتێک رۆماننوس دهتوانێ بهم کارانه ههستێت ئهوا وهک بونهوهرێکی دیموکراسخواز پێمان دهڵێت ئهوهی ههیه راست نیه، ههرگیز ئهوهی ههیه ناتوانێت راست بێت یان ببێته راستی. ئهوهی ههیه پڕیهتی لهشاراوه لهبێدهنگکراو، لهتاک-رهههندی بینین. رۆماننوس به ههستانی بهم کارهی دهبێته مرۆڤێکی دهرهکی. ئهو بونهوهرهی که لهدهرهوهیه بۆ ئهوهی به باشترین شێوه لهناوهوهبێت. دهرهکی بوونی ئهیکاته بونهوهرێکی نهشاز، کهسێک که لهئهوانیتر ناچێت، بهڵام لهگهڵ ئهوانی تردایه. بۆیه لهبهرههمی ئهدهبیدا خود تا ئهوپهری تێکهڵ دهبێت به دهق. خودێک که نهشازه به جۆرێک نهشازبوونی ئهیکاته باشترین ئاوێنهی کۆمهڵگا. لهڕۆمانی سویدییا کاراکتهری سۆزانی کاراکتهرێکه که بهشێوهیهکی زۆر بهربڵاوه، بهتایبهت لهلایهن رۆماننوسه چهپهکانهوه، لهمیانهی رهخنهکردنیان لهسیستهمی سیاسی وڵات، چونکه سۆزانی وهک نوسهر خۆی ئهو دهرهکیهیه که تائهوپهڕی ناوهکییه. ئهو کهسهیه کاتێک لهنێو ههرهمی فهرمی کۆمهڵگادا جێگهی نابێتهوه بهڵام لهنوێنی نوستنی بڕێکی زۆر لهکهسایهتییه باڵاکانی کۆمهڵگایه.رۆماننوسی کورد هێشتا ئهو بونهوهره دهرهکیه ناوهكیه نیه، که بتوانێت کۆمهڵگای کوردیمان بۆ رایهڵکات، ههڵوهشێنی. چونکه بوونێکی لهو جۆره پێویستی به سهلیقهیهکی زۆر ههیه لهبارهی زمانهوه، بۆ نموونه کهسێک ناتوانێت خۆی به کوردی زان بزانێت بهبێ ئهوهی عەرهبیو فارسیو تورکی یان عوسمانلی بزانێت، ههروهها پێویستی به توانایهکی باڵا ههیه لهڕووی مهعریفییهوه.
Sunday, September 5, 2010
How to resolve Kurdish issue in Syria
First Lieutenant Muhammad Talab Hilal 1963
1-The state should carry out displacement operations towards inside starting with the dangerous elements first. It will be alright if the plan was two or three folded i.e. the years should start with the most dangerous elements and then the less dangerous…etc.
2- The ignorance policy: that is not to build any schools or scientific institutes in the area because this clearly has proven to have results contrary to what was intended..
3- The overall majority of the Kurds who reside in Al-Jazeera hold the Turkish nationality. So, we have to correct the civil registers as we are doing now, but we demand that anyone whose nationality has not been proven should be displaced and handed over to the state that he belongs to. In addition those with proven nationality should be allowed to access only a reasonable level of education, and note how the nationality was gained because the nationality cannot be gained except by a presidential decree. Any nationality gained without a presidential decree should be discussed and kept only for the lest dangerous elements while withdrawn from the others and returned to their own homeland.
There is also the issue of multinationals who carry two or even three nationalities. In this case they should be turned back to their first nationality. In any case the important thing is not the census and (117) registration in themselves, but the actions taken, as we have to start displacement operations immediately.
4- Preventing employment: we also have to plan how to prevent the Kurds any possibility of work so that they find themselves in a situation that they cannot move and so insecure that they want to migrate. This should be taken into account firs of all by the agrarian reform in Al-Jazeera, and prevent the Kurds from possessing or renting as, thank God, there are plenty of Arabs around.
5- Arrange a widespread propaganda campaign among the Arabs against the Kurds in order to disturb the position of the Kurds, so that they cannot ever settle down.
6- Withdraw religious titles from the Kurdish religious figures and set a plan to replace them with pure Arab sheiks, or remove them towards inner side and replace them, because their meetings are not religious at all but plainly Kurdish. Even when they appeal to us, their telegrams are not against Barzani, but against shedding Muslim blood. What kind of language is that?!
7- Creating clashes between Kurds themselves, which is easy and could happen by inciting those of them who claim that have Arabic origins against the dangerous elements of them. This in addition would be a good test for those of them who claim that they are Arabs.- 118 -
8- Settling Arabic and nationalist elements in the Kurdish areas on the borders as they would be like a barrier for the future and surveillance on the Kurds at the same time until their displacement in finished. We suggest that those elements should be from the Shummers as they are on of the poorest tribes on Earth and they are nationalists hundred percent.
9- Transforming the area north to Al-Jazeera into a military area as a front with military forces having duties to reside Arabs and displace the Kurds according to a state drawn plan.
10- Establishing collective farms for the Arabs resettled into the northern area, but those farms should be armed and trained militarily exactly like the Jewish settlements on the borders.
11- Not allow those who do not speak Arabic to practise elections and candidacy in the mentioned areas.
12- Absolute prevention of those who wants to reside in that region from getting a Syrian nationality, whatever previous nationality they have (except an Arab state nationality …etc.)
These suggestions are actually not enough but we wanted just to excite the officials according to our experience so that it becomes a start for a project of a radical plan taking this reminder into account. (19)- 119 –
Mella, Jawad (2006) ‘The Colonial Policy of the Syrian Baath Party in Western Kurdistan’, Western Kurdistan Association London
1-The state should carry out displacement operations towards inside starting with the dangerous elements first. It will be alright if the plan was two or three folded i.e. the years should start with the most dangerous elements and then the less dangerous…etc.
2- The ignorance policy: that is not to build any schools or scientific institutes in the area because this clearly has proven to have results contrary to what was intended..
3- The overall majority of the Kurds who reside in Al-Jazeera hold the Turkish nationality. So, we have to correct the civil registers as we are doing now, but we demand that anyone whose nationality has not been proven should be displaced and handed over to the state that he belongs to. In addition those with proven nationality should be allowed to access only a reasonable level of education, and note how the nationality was gained because the nationality cannot be gained except by a presidential decree. Any nationality gained without a presidential decree should be discussed and kept only for the lest dangerous elements while withdrawn from the others and returned to their own homeland.
There is also the issue of multinationals who carry two or even three nationalities. In this case they should be turned back to their first nationality. In any case the important thing is not the census and (117) registration in themselves, but the actions taken, as we have to start displacement operations immediately.
4- Preventing employment: we also have to plan how to prevent the Kurds any possibility of work so that they find themselves in a situation that they cannot move and so insecure that they want to migrate. This should be taken into account firs of all by the agrarian reform in Al-Jazeera, and prevent the Kurds from possessing or renting as, thank God, there are plenty of Arabs around.
5- Arrange a widespread propaganda campaign among the Arabs against the Kurds in order to disturb the position of the Kurds, so that they cannot ever settle down.
6- Withdraw religious titles from the Kurdish religious figures and set a plan to replace them with pure Arab sheiks, or remove them towards inner side and replace them, because their meetings are not religious at all but plainly Kurdish. Even when they appeal to us, their telegrams are not against Barzani, but against shedding Muslim blood. What kind of language is that?!
7- Creating clashes between Kurds themselves, which is easy and could happen by inciting those of them who claim that have Arabic origins against the dangerous elements of them. This in addition would be a good test for those of them who claim that they are Arabs.- 118 -
8- Settling Arabic and nationalist elements in the Kurdish areas on the borders as they would be like a barrier for the future and surveillance on the Kurds at the same time until their displacement in finished. We suggest that those elements should be from the Shummers as they are on of the poorest tribes on Earth and they are nationalists hundred percent.
9- Transforming the area north to Al-Jazeera into a military area as a front with military forces having duties to reside Arabs and displace the Kurds according to a state drawn plan.
10- Establishing collective farms for the Arabs resettled into the northern area, but those farms should be armed and trained militarily exactly like the Jewish settlements on the borders.
11- Not allow those who do not speak Arabic to practise elections and candidacy in the mentioned areas.
12- Absolute prevention of those who wants to reside in that region from getting a Syrian nationality, whatever previous nationality they have (except an Arab state nationality …etc.)
These suggestions are actually not enough but we wanted just to excite the officials according to our experience so that it becomes a start for a project of a radical plan taking this reminder into account. (19)- 119 –
Mella, Jawad (2006) ‘The Colonial Policy of the Syrian Baath Party in Western Kurdistan’, Western Kurdistan Association London
Thursday, September 2, 2010
ئهوروپا
ئهوروپا
له کوێدا بهدوای ئهم کیشوهرهدا بگهڕێین، له چیرۆکی سهفهرهکانا. له موژدهی قاچاخچیهکانا، له خهیاڵی پیاوێکی دڵ پڕ له ئازاری پهراوێزخراو له کوردستان، لهو وێنانهی که دهگهنهوه وڵات، لهو وشانهی که له تهلهفونهکانا دهوترێن، له کورته نامهکانا، یان لهو گفتوگۆیانهی که له سهرتاشخانهو چاخانهو پاسو پیاسهی ئێوارانو هۆڵی زانکۆو قوتابخانهکانو خوانی شێوو خهونی ئهو کچه تازهپێگهشتوانهی که له چاوهڕوانیدا پیردهبن. ئهمه سهرابێکی سهخته.ئهگهر ئهوروپا له شوێنه تهڕو تاریکهکانی ناخمانا ئامادهبێت، ئهگهر شانۆی خهونه ئهرخهوانییهکانمان بێت، ئیدی بۆچی دهبێ ئێمه سهفهری بۆ بکهین. ئێمه بهبێ جیاوازی ههر ههمومان، یهک بهیهک، پهیوهستین به ئهوروپاوه. لهکاتێکدا ههندێکمان بۆی ههڵدێین، ئهوا ئهوانی ترمان لێیههڵدێین. ئهوانهی که لێیههڵدێن، که نهفرهتی لێئهکهن، که به بێزهوه تهماشای ئهکهن، له ههموان زیاتر بیری لێئهکهنهوه. پهیوهندی ئێمه لهگهڵ ئهوروپادا رێک وهک پهیوهندی ئێمه وایه لهگهڵ سێکسدا، ههمیشه تێکئاڵاوه له پیرۆزیو تابۆ، له پیسێتیو جوانی، له گوناهو خۆشی، له چهپاندنو تهقینهوه، له نکوڵیکردنو دێوانهیی. بهڵام ئهم کیشوهره سارده له جێگایهکی تره. سنوری خۆی ههیه، یاسای خۆی ههیه، مێژووی خۆی ههیه، دیرۆکێکی پڕ له فهلسهفهی خۆی ههیه. کهواته ئهم کیشوهره له جێگایهکا نیشتهجێیه. بهڵام بهڕاستی ئهوروپا له تهنها جێگایهکدایه، یان له گشت جێگاکان. لهکاتێکا ئهوروپا له نێو ئێمهدایه، له ناخی ناخماندایه، بهڵام ئێمه دهمانهوێ بۆی بڕۆین، ههرچهنده بۆی دهڕۆین، بهڵام ئێمه ناگهینه ئهوروپا. ههرچهنده ئامادهین بۆی بمرین، به سنوره پڕ له مینهکانا بپهڕینهوه، شاخو چهمو دهشتو رووبار تهیکهین، بهڵام ههرگیز پێیناگهین. چۆن له جێگایهک بگهین که پێیناگهین، که ناتوانی پێیبگهین. چۆن ناگهینه جێگایهک که ههر یهکهمان کوڕه پلکو کوڕه پورو کچه خاڵو ئامۆزاو براو نهنکمانی لێیه. بهڵام گهیشتن یانی چی؟ پێش ههموو شتێ گهیشتن یانی جێهێشتن. جێهێشتن هاتنهدهرهوهیه له جێگا، وهک ئێدوارد سهعید بایۆگرافیهکهی ناونا له دهرهوهی شوێن، بهڵام گهیشتن بهمانای چونه ناوهوهی شوێن نییه. رهنگه گهشتن ههرگیز بواری ئهوه نهدا که بگهیته ناو شوێن، بۆیه پاش جێهێشتنی شوێنی یهکهم، ئهگهری ئهوه ههیه بۆ ههمیشه له دهرهوهی شوێنهوه بمێنیتهوه. ئهم ستاتۆیه؛ ههتا بڵێی دڵتهنگه. بهڵام له ههمانکاتدا برینێکه یاخی له قهتماخه. رهنگه پاش جێهێشتن جارێکی تر خود ئارهزووی ئهوه نهکات که به شوێن ئاشنابێتهوه. لێرهدا ئهو جێگایه سهرههڵئهدا که بهختیار عهلی ناوی ئهنێت ناشوێن. خوێنهری بهڕێز ئهم ستونه دهربارهی ئهوروپایه وهک پرۆژهیهک. وهک خهونێک، وهک پهناگهیهک، وهک مێژوویهک، وهک کۆمهڵگایهک، وهک شارستانیهتییهک، وهک وڵگهی سزا، وهک کامپی پهنابهران، وهک مۆزهخانه، کتێبخانه، مۆدێرنه، قاتوقڕی، ههزارهها ههزار شتی تر. ههروهها دهربارهی ئهوروپا ئهدوێین له بۆمبای، له سلێمانی، له مۆمباسا، له زۆر زۆر شوێنی تر. له توێی ئهم ستونانهدا یادهوهریو ئامادهبوونو تێڕامانو عیشقو رقو پهیوهستبوون، قسهی لێوهئهکرێت. ئهمه سهفهرێکه نه سهرهتای ههیه نه کۆتا. نه ههرگیز دهستپێئهکاتو نه ههرگیز کۆتایی دێت. بۆیه بڕیارمدا لهسهر ئهم بابهته بدوێم، چونکه ههستئهکهم ههتا بڵێی ههنوکهییه. ههنوکهییه، که دهبینم کوردێک، به روومهتێکی خهمبارانه به شهقامه ساردهکانی یهکێک له شاره بێ دڵهکانی ئهوروپادا به تهنها له سهرخۆ ئهڕوا. ههنوکهییه چونکه ئهو خهون بینینهی که له خهیاڵدانی ئێمهدایه دهربارهی ئهم کیشوهره تۆوێکی زۆری شکستی لهگهڵ خۆیدا ههڵگرتوه. ههنوکهییه چونکه ئهوروپا شوێنی کردوهته بوونێکی میتافیزیکی. ئێمه که رهدووی سهراب ئهکهوین له ساتهوهختی مهرگا ژیان کورت ئهکهینهوه بۆ دیدێکی شاعیرانه. ئێمه بهرهو شکستێکی دڵتهنگ ههنگاوئهنێین زۆر دڵتهنگترو خهمبارتر لهوهی عهرهب. پرسیاری مۆدێرنه، مۆدێرن بوونی کۆمهڵگای ئێمه، تهنهاو تهنها له تێگهشتنی ئهوروپاوه دێت. تێگهشتن به مانای لاساییکردنهوه نه، به مانای ههوڵدان بۆ گهشتنه ههمان ئاست نه، به مانای شوێنکهوتنی ههمان رێگا نه. تێگهشتن یانی چونه ناخی رووداوهکانهوه بۆ کردنهوهی تهلیسمهکان، دۆزینهوهی کلیلهکانو پاشان ههوڵدان بۆ دروستکردنی کلیلێکی تایبهت به خود، له مهتریاڵهکانی خود. بۆ تێزی دوکتۆراکهم من بهردهوام لهگهڵ ئهم بابهتانهدا ههڵسوکهت ئهکهم. له زانکۆ وانهی دهرباره دهڵێمهوه، له توێی کتێبو دهقو بهڵگهنامهکانا ورد وردێ بۆی دهخوێنمهوه، دهچمه کۆڕو سیمینارهکان. لهگهڵ ئهوهشدا بهشێکی زۆری ئهوروپا یان بینیومه یان تیا ژیاوم. رۆژانه له ماڵ ئێمه به ئهڵمانیو ئیتاڵیو ئینگلیزی قسهئهکرێت. ههمیشه له هاوڕێیو دۆستمان له وڵاتانی ترهوه دێنه میوانی. ئهوروپا وهک زمان، وهک کهلتور، وهک شێوازی چێشتلێنانا، بهشێکی ژیاری رۆژانهی ئێمهیه. لهبهر ئهم هۆکارانه من ئهتوانم بڵێم که ئهتوانم دهربارهی ئهم کیشوهره، چ وهک بونێکی فیزیکیو چ وهک بونێکی میتافیزیک بنوسم.پێمخۆشه ئهم ستونه رچه شکێن بێت. کارێک دووبارهو سواو نهبێت. نه ببێته مایهی ئۆریهنتالیزم، رۆژههڵاتناسی، وهک ئهوهی ههندێک رۆژههڵاتی له رۆژئاواوه، وهک کوێخا رۆژئاواییهکانیان له رۆژههڵات دهڕوانن. نهک ببێته مایهی بهرههمهێنانی دهقی ئۆکسیدێنتال یان خۆرئاواناسی، که وهک چۆن رۆژههڵاتناسی پڕیهتی له بوختانو کینهو ههڵهشه، وههاش رۆژئاواناسی بریتییه له تۆڵهو دهمارگیریو ههست به لاوازیکردن.ئهم ستونه، وهک کارهکانی پێشوو، سهفهرێکه به هاوهڵی ئێوه، بهنێو دونیایهکا که ههمومان بیری لێئهکهینهوه، خهونی پێوه دهبینین، له ههمانکاتدا حهزدهکهین رۆژێک وڵاتی خۆشمان وهک ئهوروپای لێبێت. ههرچهنده زاراوهی ئهوروپا له زمانی قسهکردنو نوسراوی کوردیدا چهندین مانای جیاجیا له خۆی دهگرێت، هاوهڵم بن با پێکهوه بڕۆین بۆ ئهمستهردام، رۆم، ڤیهنا، پاریس، لهندهن، شاره خۆشهویستهکهم دۆبلن. وهره با پێکهوه بهدڵی ئهم کیشوهره، ههتا له دڵه پڕ له خورپهکهی خۆمان به ئاگابین.
زینهفون له کوردوستان xenophon kurds
xe
It was now about the last watch, and enough of the night remained to allow them to cross the valley under cover of darkness; when, at the word of command, they rose and set off on their march, reaching the mountains at daybreak. At this stage of the march Cheirisophus, at the head of his own division, with the whole of the light troops, led the van, while Xenophon followed behind with the heavy infantry of the rearguard, but without any light troops, since there seemed to be no danger of pursuit or attack from the rear, while they were making their way up hill. Cheirisophus reached the summit without any of the enemy perceiving him. Then he led on slowly, and the rest of the army followed, wave upon wave, cresting the summit and descending into the villages which nestled in the hollows and recesses of the hills.
Thereupon the Carduchians abandoned their dwelling places, and with their wives and children fled to the mountains; so there was plenty of provisions to be got for the mere trouble of taking, and the homesteads too were well supplied with a copious store of bronze vessels and utensils which the Hellenes kept their hands off, abstaining at the same time from all pursuit of the folk themselves, gently handling them, in hopes that the Carduchians might be willing to give them friendly passage through their country, since they too were enemies of the king: only they helped themselves to such provisions as fell in their way, which indeed was a sheer necessity. But the Carduchians neither gave ear, when they called to them, nor showed any other friendly sign; and now, as the last of the Hellenes descended into the villages from the pass, they were already in the dark, since, owing to the narrowness of the road, the whole day had been spent in the ascent and descent. At that instant a party of the Carduchians, who had collected, made an attack on the hindmost men, killing some and wounding others with stones and arrows—though it was quite a small body who attacked. The fact was, the approach of the Hellenic army had taken them by surprise; if, however, they had mustered in larger force at this time, the chances are that a large portion of the army would have been annihilated. As it was, they got into quarters, and bivouacked in the villages that night, while the Carduchians kept many watch-fires blazing in a circle on the mountains, and kept each other in sight all
Kurds as a homo sacer figure in Middle Eastern sovereign states
Kurds as a homo sacer figure in Middle Eastern sovereign states
sardar aziz
Work in progress
After Agamben’s (1995) work the figure of Homo Sacer is not an archaic Roman figure anymore. She or he is the product of the modern sovereignty, lives her or his life at the edge: swinging between life and death. This modern form of sovereignty diffused to the Middle East and established itself through, wars, colonial policies and treaties. But the diffusion was not complete. If the Middle Eastern sovereignty was a copy, it did not look like the origin fully. Consequently a form of State emerged different from western model of, democratic, liberal, contractual based state. This State is neither modern nor traditional. I conceptualise it as a Failed Modern State. Despite their different experience with occidental modernity; the Middle Eastern states are sharing the failure to be modern. Therefore, this new conceptualization denotes all the Middle Eastern States. Theses while they diffused the occidental modernity in various ways, they had no intention to be modern, i.e. to establish a state that organises the society in order to serve its own population. Consequently, to build an occidental modern form of; society, citizen, constitution, State, remain to be the dream of their badly informed intellectuals. While they could not use the occidental methodology to modernise their tradition, they also failed to accomplish their own form of modernity. The emerged failed modern state is a state that holds both modernity and tradition in parallel. These two, to paraphrase Georges Dumézil they become the two heads of the sovereign. “Undoubtedly, these two poles stand in opposition term by term” (Deleuze & Guattari, 2004:388), but their opposition provides the sovereign tools for survival. They become the mode of communication between the sovereign and the masses. They create the permanent state of civil war both virtual and actual. They prepare the ground for the state of emergency. These states, especially the Arab states, to paraphrase Burhan Ghalyun’s (1993) title, ‘are states against their own people’. They suffer from multidimensional crises; crisis of governance, of identity, of development and many others.
In order to comprehend the multilayer crisis of these states, one has to assess the circumstance of minorities within the boundary of these states. Here there are two concepts to be considered: one is boundary or border the other is minority. The border as a modern form regulation, limitation is strange and new to the historical and cultural background of the region. If international borders in general are never completely just, then the most unjust borders in the world are in Africa and the Middle East. They are as Ralph Peters (2006) put it ‘blood borders’. The drawing of border mushroomed some states out of nowhere such as Jordan and made other people totally vanish from political geography, such as Kurds. Consequently, every state in the region ended up to have either an ethnic(s) or religious minorities. Since these states were mostly handed in from the colonial power into the local elites, based on their traditional worldview, the local elite, considered the state and the people as their booty or property. Therefore, the state became the personal property of the elite. As a result a form of political theology, as Carl Schmitt understand it, materialized. For Schmitt, political theology is the structure of political concepts as related to their origin in theological concepts. Within Schmitt’s view of the political, the theological notion of God transfers to the political sovereign a final and total authority in the person of a main decision-maker in extreme emergencies, an “exception-bearer” with whom the power of the state ultimately lies. The notion of the Absolute in religion is used in conceptualizing the Absolute in the state, starting with the “divine right of kings” and extending to the crisis of Schmitt’s own time (Gary, 2007: 176). This ownership made the newly emerged elite to emulate the divine power. Within this formula there was/is no room for multiplicity, for citizenship, for difference. Allah in Islamic illmi-kalam theology is the one who there is no separation between his amr imperative and khalq creation ((کن فیکن. “The Initiator of the heavens and the earth: to have anything done, He simply says to it, "Be," and it is (2:117) بديع السموات والأرض وإذا قضى أمراً فإنما يقول له كن فيكون. This form of power rejects negotiations, consultations, listening to different view, consent and ultimately regards people as slave. The emerged sovereigns took this as the ultimate form of exercising powers, consequently they did not accept the modern idea of separation of power, and they made themselves permanents and absolute holder of sovereignty. This metalizes in many shapes and forms. Some of the sovereign figures even do not accept the idea of having a deputy, the possibility of being replaced, those who have it they have reduced them to a powerless figure. The intolerance towards the idea of being replaced, is originates from imagining oneself as divine. Say: He is God alone: God the eternal (Koran, 42:1).
If the sovereign is divine then the state has to fulfil his desire. Therefore, accordingly, it has to be homogenise, uniform and run by a strong centralised power. To achieve this use of violence is required. For the sovereign figures to imagine themselves as figures who are related or they are doing what the prominent Islamic figure did or continuing what they did is common practice. Through his analysis of the monuments in Iraq during the reign of Saddam Hussain, Kanan Makiya, (1991) confirms this practice. For instance through the Victory Arch monument Saddam Hussain inamgines himself as Sa’ad ibn-abi-Waqas an honoured companion of the prophet Muhammad (1991:11). One who imagines himself as divine, to exercise the power of divine, does hesitates to kill, as Ali Hassan Majid put it: ‘The armed forces must kill any human being or animal present’. In this, to use Calrl Schmitt’s favorite word, situation, there is no room for law or accountability. It is the absolute manifestation of the state of exception. "I will kill them all [Kurds] with chemical weapons. Who is going to say anything? Fuck them! The international community, and those who listen them” (quoted from Cockburn 2007).
Thus as Arab Human Development Report (2009: 53) put it these state are “source of risk to life and freedom, instead of guaranteeing human security, it turns into a major threat to it”. In this particular circumstances the sovereign sphere, as Agamben (1995:) put it “is the sphere in which it is permitted to kill without committing homicide and without celebrating a sacrifice, and sacred life -- that is, life that may be killed but not sacrificed. The group that are more vulnerable for the state’s threat are the minorities. The minorities are people with small p. People in these state whether it called sha’b, umma, khlq, halk, were the creation of the sovereign. As Agamben put it in his short article what is people he states
It is as if, in other words, what we call people was actually not a unitary subject but rather a dialectical oscillation between two opposite poles: on the one hand, the _People_ as a whole and as an integral body politic and, on the other hand, the _people_ as a subset and as fragmentary multiplicity of needy and excluded bodies; on the one hand, an inclusive concept that pretends to be without remainder while, on the other hand, an exclusive concept known to afford no hope; at one pole, the total state of the sovereign and integrated citizens and, at the other pole, the banishment.
Agamben reiterates that in Home Sacer (1995)
Every interpretation of the political meaning of the term "People" must begin with the singular fact that in modern European languages, "people" also always indicates the poor, the disinherited, and the excluded. One term thus names both the constitutive political subject and the class that is, de facto if not de jure, excluded from politics
This summaries most specifically the Kurdish experience in the Republic of Turkey. Kurds throughout the history of that entity has been the people with lower case p. The endless pejorative name calling and every way of killing with impunity confirms that. Kurds has been called mountain people, backward, pre-modern, shit nation, and lately according to Mesut Yeğen (2007) Jewish. Other has also regarded the Kurds in Turkey as a homo sacer. For Anna Secor (2006) the area that Kurds live in is in the state of exception. They exist on the threshold of the law, included within its force-field 'by the sheer force of (their) exclusion from it. According to her ‘the Kurds whose villages are located primarily in the southeast of Turkey are designated as homo sacer as a result of both their embodied differences and the location of these abnormal bodies within specifically demarcated geographic regions.
To regard the Kurdistan in Turkey as a exceptional place where Agambeian state of exception is permanent confirmed by both Kerem Öktem’s (2006) article ‘Return of the Turkish “State of Exception’, and Nicole F. Watts’ (2010) article ‘Re-Considering State-Society Dynamics in Turkey’s Kurdish Southeast’, however the latter tries to argue that the situation has modified. While the former argues “reviewing the brief history of Turkish democracy since the 1950s, one could safely argue that the notion of ‘emergency as a rule’ has been a structural determinant of Turkish politics”.
The emergency state or the exceptionality of the sovereign is not only applies to Turkish state. Syria is officially in the state of emergency since 22 December 1962. When it was introduced it was suppose to apply “to those exceptional cases in which there is an internal or external threat to the survival of the nation” (Al-'Ismi, 2005). But the exception which always emerges as an exception is as Walter Bnjamin (1940) told us the rule. The exceptionality is unlimited in both durations and applications, as confirmed by Alkarama human rights organization report (2010) “in reality, this legislation allows for broad emergency powers – especially for the security forces - without being subject to control by a judicial authority”. The state of exception presents itself as an inherently elusive phenomenon, a juridical no-man's land where the “suspension of the entire existing juridical order” (Agamben, 2005).
The exception makes homo sacer. To be homo sacer is to have no right to be political. Being political is to have a place in the polis. Agamben quoting from Aristotle’s politics
Among living beings, only man has language. The voice is the sign of pain and pleasure, and this is why it belongs to other living beings. But language is for manifesting the fitting and the unfitting and the just and the unjust. To have the sensation of the good and the bad and of the just and the unjust is what is proper to men as opposed to other living beings, and the community of these things makes dwelling and the city (1253a, 10-18).
Therefore banning the language by the sovereign is not only the matter of expression or multicultural, it is in its essence dehumanising man and disallowing the manifestation of what is ‘the fitting and the unfitting and the just and the unjust’. There is a passage in Musa Anter’s famous memoir, Hatıralarım demonstrates this clearly. Anter writes:
The villagers used to take wood to Mardin to sell. They transported it by donkey. They would sell the firewood for about 50-60 kuruş. If the donkey and the saddle were in good condition, they could sell it for 5-6 lira. To make the donkey go while riding it, Kurds say 'ço'. Poor Kurds who didn’t know Turkish and who didn’t know anything about this would say 'ço,' and the gendarmes would stop them and beat them up for speaking Kurdish. When the Kurd – speaking Kurdish -- tried to defend himself against this, they would prosecute him and charge him with a crime.
Something like this happened to one of my mother’s relatives. His donkey and firewood were confiscated and sold (to pay the fine). He received 5 Turkish lira for them, but his fine was 12 lira. So he was jailed for two days and beaten up. Three and a half months later when the tax collectors came to our village, they wanted him to pay the remaining seven lira outstanding on the fine and said that if he didn’t pay, they would seize his house and belongings. Of course the gendarmes came along with the tax collectors. My uncle was able to pay the fine by selling a few of his sheep. This incident didn’t just happen to my uncle, it was commonplace. If there was a documentary archive of crimes in Mardin you would find a great many of this sort of disgraceful document (Anter 1991: 29).
Minorities are the abandoned, that is, exposed and threatened on the threshold in which life and law, outside and inside, become indistinguishable. It is literally not possible to say whether the one who has been banned is outside or inside the juridical order (Agmaben, 1998: ). To borrow from Agamben (1998) they are been ‘included through exclusion’
Work in progress
After Agamben’s (1995) work the figure of Homo Sacer is not an archaic Roman figure anymore. She or he is the product of the modern sovereignty, lives her or his life at the edge: swinging between life and death. This modern form of sovereignty diffused to the Middle East and established itself through, wars, colonial policies and treaties. But the diffusion was not complete. If the Middle Eastern sovereignty was a copy, it did not look like the origin fully. Consequently a form of State emerged different from western model of, democratic, liberal, contractual based state. This State is neither modern nor traditional. I conceptualise it as a Failed Modern State. Despite their different experience with occidental modernity; the Middle Eastern states are sharing the failure to be modern. Therefore, this new conceptualization denotes all the Middle Eastern States. Theses while they diffused the occidental modernity in various ways, they had no intention to be modern, i.e. to establish a state that organises the society in order to serve its own population. Consequently, to build an occidental modern form of; society, citizen, constitution, State, remain to be the dream of their badly informed intellectuals. While they could not use the occidental methodology to modernise their tradition, they also failed to accomplish their own form of modernity. The emerged failed modern state is a state that holds both modernity and tradition in parallel. These two, to paraphrase Georges Dumézil they become the two heads of the sovereign. “Undoubtedly, these two poles stand in opposition term by term” (Deleuze & Guattari, 2004:388), but their opposition provides the sovereign tools for survival. They become the mode of communication between the sovereign and the masses. They create the permanent state of civil war both virtual and actual. They prepare the ground for the state of emergency. These states, especially the Arab states, to paraphrase Burhan Ghalyun’s (1993) title, ‘are states against their own people’. They suffer from multidimensional crises; crisis of governance, of identity, of development and many others.
In order to comprehend the multilayer crisis of these states, one has to assess the circumstance of minorities within the boundary of these states. Here there are two concepts to be considered: one is boundary or border the other is minority. The border as a modern form regulation, limitation is strange and new to the historical and cultural background of the region. If international borders in general are never completely just, then the most unjust borders in the world are in Africa and the Middle East. They are as Ralph Peters (2006) put it ‘blood borders’. The drawing of border mushroomed some states out of nowhere such as Jordan and made other people totally vanish from political geography, such as Kurds. Consequently, every state in the region ended up to have either an ethnic(s) or religious minorities. Since these states were mostly handed in from the colonial power into the local elites, based on their traditional worldview, the local elite, considered the state and the people as their booty or property. Therefore, the state became the personal property of the elite. As a result a form of political theology, as Carl Schmitt understand it, materialized. For Schmitt, political theology is the structure of political concepts as related to their origin in theological concepts. Within Schmitt’s view of the political, the theological notion of God transfers to the political sovereign a final and total authority in the person of a main decision-maker in extreme emergencies, an “exception-bearer” with whom the power of the state ultimately lies. The notion of the Absolute in religion is used in conceptualizing the Absolute in the state, starting with the “divine right of kings” and extending to the crisis of Schmitt’s own time (Gary, 2007: 176). This ownership made the newly emerged elite to emulate the divine power. Within this formula there was/is no room for multiplicity, for citizenship, for difference. Allah in Islamic illmi-kalam theology is the one who there is no separation between his amr imperative and khalq creation ((کن فیکن. “The Initiator of the heavens and the earth: to have anything done, He simply says to it, "Be," and it is (2:117) بديع السموات والأرض وإذا قضى أمراً فإنما يقول له كن فيكون. This form of power rejects negotiations, consultations, listening to different view, consent and ultimately regards people as slave. The emerged sovereigns took this as the ultimate form of exercising powers, consequently they did not accept the modern idea of separation of power, and they made themselves permanents and absolute holder of sovereignty. This metalizes in many shapes and forms. Some of the sovereign figures even do not accept the idea of having a deputy, the possibility of being replaced, those who have it they have reduced them to a powerless figure. The intolerance towards the idea of being replaced, is originates from imagining oneself as divine. Say: He is God alone: God the eternal (Koran, 42:1).
If the sovereign is divine then the state has to fulfil his desire. Therefore, accordingly, it has to be homogenise, uniform and run by a strong centralised power. To achieve this use of violence is required. For the sovereign figures to imagine themselves as figures who are related or they are doing what the prominent Islamic figure did or continuing what they did is common practice. Through his analysis of the monuments in Iraq during the reign of Saddam Hussain, Kanan Makiya, (1991) confirms this practice. For instance through the Victory Arch monument Saddam Hussain inamgines himself as Sa’ad ibn-abi-Waqas an honoured companion of the prophet Muhammad (1991:11). One who imagines himself as divine, to exercise the power of divine, does hesitates to kill, as Ali Hassan Majid put it: ‘The armed forces must kill any human being or animal present’. In this, to use Calrl Schmitt’s favorite word, situation, there is no room for law or accountability. It is the absolute manifestation of the state of exception. "I will kill them all [Kurds] with chemical weapons. Who is going to say anything? Fuck them! The international community, and those who listen them” (quoted from Cockburn 2007).
Thus as Arab Human Development Report (2009: 53) put it these state are “source of risk to life and freedom, instead of guaranteeing human security, it turns into a major threat to it”. In this particular circumstances the sovereign sphere, as Agamben (1995:) put it “is the sphere in which it is permitted to kill without committing homicide and without celebrating a sacrifice, and sacred life -- that is, life that may be killed but not sacrificed. The group that are more vulnerable for the state’s threat are the minorities. The minorities are people with small p. People in these state whether it called sha’b, umma, khlq, halk, were the creation of the sovereign. As Agamben put it in his short article what is people he states
It is as if, in other words, what we call people was actually not a unitary subject but rather a dialectical oscillation between two opposite poles: on the one hand, the _People_ as a whole and as an integral body politic and, on the other hand, the _people_ as a subset and as fragmentary multiplicity of needy and excluded bodies; on the one hand, an inclusive concept that pretends to be without remainder while, on the other hand, an exclusive concept known to afford no hope; at one pole, the total state of the sovereign and integrated citizens and, at the other pole, the banishment.
Agamben reiterates that in Home Sacer (1995)
Every interpretation of the political meaning of the term "People" must begin with the singular fact that in modern European languages, "people" also always indicates the poor, the disinherited, and the excluded. One term thus names both the constitutive political subject and the class that is, de facto if not de jure, excluded from politics
This summaries most specifically the Kurdish experience in the Republic of Turkey. Kurds throughout the history of that entity has been the people with lower case p. The endless pejorative name calling and every way of killing with impunity confirms that. Kurds has been called mountain people, backward, pre-modern, shit nation, and lately according to Mesut Yeğen (2007) Jewish. Other has also regarded the Kurds in Turkey as a homo sacer. For Anna Secor (2006) the area that Kurds live in is in the state of exception. They exist on the threshold of the law, included within its force-field 'by the sheer force of (their) exclusion from it. According to her ‘the Kurds whose villages are located primarily in the southeast of Turkey are designated as homo sacer as a result of both their embodied differences and the location of these abnormal bodies within specifically demarcated geographic regions.
To regard the Kurdistan in Turkey as a exceptional place where Agambeian state of exception is permanent confirmed by both Kerem Öktem’s (2006) article ‘Return of the Turkish “State of Exception’, and Nicole F. Watts’ (2010) article ‘Re-Considering State-Society Dynamics in Turkey’s Kurdish Southeast’, however the latter tries to argue that the situation has modified. While the former argues “reviewing the brief history of Turkish democracy since the 1950s, one could safely argue that the notion of ‘emergency as a rule’ has been a structural determinant of Turkish politics”.
The emergency state or the exceptionality of the sovereign is not only applies to Turkish state. Syria is officially in the state of emergency since 22 December 1962. When it was introduced it was suppose to apply “to those exceptional cases in which there is an internal or external threat to the survival of the nation” (Al-'Ismi, 2005). But the exception which always emerges as an exception is as Walter Bnjamin (1940) told us the rule. The exceptionality is unlimited in both durations and applications, as confirmed by Alkarama human rights organization report (2010) “in reality, this legislation allows for broad emergency powers – especially for the security forces - without being subject to control by a judicial authority”. The state of exception presents itself as an inherently elusive phenomenon, a juridical no-man's land where the “suspension of the entire existing juridical order” (Agamben, 2005).
The exception makes homo sacer. To be homo sacer is to have no right to be political. Being political is to have a place in the polis. Agamben quoting from Aristotle’s politics
Among living beings, only man has language. The voice is the sign of pain and pleasure, and this is why it belongs to other living beings. But language is for manifesting the fitting and the unfitting and the just and the unjust. To have the sensation of the good and the bad and of the just and the unjust is what is proper to men as opposed to other living beings, and the community of these things makes dwelling and the city (1253a, 10-18).
Therefore banning the language by the sovereign is not only the matter of expression or multicultural, it is in its essence dehumanising man and disallowing the manifestation of what is ‘the fitting and the unfitting and the just and the unjust’. There is a passage in Musa Anter’s famous memoir, Hatıralarım demonstrates this clearly. Anter writes:
The villagers used to take wood to Mardin to sell. They transported it by donkey. They would sell the firewood for about 50-60 kuruş. If the donkey and the saddle were in good condition, they could sell it for 5-6 lira. To make the donkey go while riding it, Kurds say 'ço'. Poor Kurds who didn’t know Turkish and who didn’t know anything about this would say 'ço,' and the gendarmes would stop them and beat them up for speaking Kurdish. When the Kurd – speaking Kurdish -- tried to defend himself against this, they would prosecute him and charge him with a crime.
Something like this happened to one of my mother’s relatives. His donkey and firewood were confiscated and sold (to pay the fine). He received 5 Turkish lira for them, but his fine was 12 lira. So he was jailed for two days and beaten up. Three and a half months later when the tax collectors came to our village, they wanted him to pay the remaining seven lira outstanding on the fine and said that if he didn’t pay, they would seize his house and belongings. Of course the gendarmes came along with the tax collectors. My uncle was able to pay the fine by selling a few of his sheep. This incident didn’t just happen to my uncle, it was commonplace. If there was a documentary archive of crimes in Mardin you would find a great many of this sort of disgraceful document (Anter 1991: 29).
Minorities are the abandoned, that is, exposed and threatened on the threshold in which life and law, outside and inside, become indistinguishable. It is literally not possible to say whether the one who has been banned is outside or inside the juridical order (Agmaben, 1998: ). To borrow from Agamben (1998) they are been ‘included through exclusion’
carl schmitt
I now [1934] distinguish not two but three types of legal thinking; in addition to the normativist and the decisionist types there is the institutional one.p. 2Whereas the pure normativists thinks in terms of impersonal rules, and the decisionist implements the good law of the correctly recognized political situation by means of a personal decision, institutional legal thinking unfolds in institutions and organizations that transcend the personal sphere. And whereas the normativist in his distortion makes of law a mere mode of operation of a state bureaucracy, and the decisionist, focusing at the moment, always rund the risk of missing the stable content in every great political movement, an isolated institutional thinking leads to the pluralism characteristic of a feudal-corporate growth that is devoid of sovereignty.p. 3Sovereign is he who decides on the exception.p. 5The assertion that the exception is truly appropriate for the juristic definition of sovereignty has a systematic, legal-logical foundation. The decision on the exceprion is a decision in the true sense of the word. Because a genaral norm, as represented by an ordinary prescription, can never encompass a total exception, the decision that a real exception exists cannot therefore be entirely derived from this norm.p. 5-6The exceprion, which is not codified in the existing legal order, can at best be characterized as a case of extre peril, a danger to the existance of the state, or the like. But it cannot be cirumscribe factually and made to conform to a preformed law.p. 6The most guidence the constitution can provide is to indicate who can act in such a case. If such action is not subject to controls, if it is not hampered in some way by checks and balances, as is the case in a liberal constitution, the it is clear who the sovereign is. He decides whether there is an extreme emergency as well as what must be done to eliminate it. Although he stands outside the normally valid legal system, he nevertheless belongs to it, for it is he who must decide whether the constitution needs to be suspended in its entirety.p. 7After all, every legal order is based on a decision, and also the concept of the legal order, which is applied as something selfevident, contains whitin it the contrast of the two distinct elements of the juristic – norm and decision. Like every other order, the legal order rests on a decision and not on a norm.p. 10What charaterizes an exception is principally unlimited authority, which means the suspensin of the entire existing order. In such a situation it is clear that the stat remains, wheras law recedes. Because the exception is different from anarchy and chaos, order in the juristic sense still prevails even if it is not of the ordinary kind.The existence of the state is undoubted proof of its superiority over the validity of the legal norm. The decision frees itself from all normative ties anf becomes in the true sense absolute. The state suspends the law in the exception on the basis of its right of self-preservation, as one would say.p. 12The exception is that which cannot be subsumed; it defies general codification, but it simultaneously reveals a specifically juristic element – the decision in absolut purity.p. 13There exists no norm that is applicable to chaos. For a legal order to make sense, a normal situation must exist, and he is sovereign who definitly decides whether this normal situation actually exists.p. 13The exception can be more important to it than the rule, not because of a romantic irony for the paradox, but because the seriousness of an insight goes deeper than the clear generalizations unferred from what ordinarily repeats itself. The exceptions is more important than the rule. The rule proves nothing; the exception proves everything: It confirms not only the rule but also its existance, which derives only from the exception. In the exception the power of real life breaks through the crus of a mechanism that has become torpid by repetition.p. 15Sovreignty is the highest, legally independent, underived power.p. 17The basis for the validity of a norm can only be a norm; in juristic terms the state is therefore identical with its constitution, with the uniform basic norm.p. 19The age-old Aristotelian opposites of deliberation and action begin with two distinct forms; wheras deliberation is approchable through legal form, action is approchable only by a technical formation.p. 28All significant concepts of the modern theory of the state are secularized theological concepts not only because of their historical development – in which they were transferred from theology to the theory of the state, whereby, for example, the omnipotent God became the omnipotent lawgiver – but also because of thier systematic structure, the recognition of which is necessary for a sociological consideration of these concepts. The exception in jurisprudence i analogous to the miracle in theology. Only by being aware of this analogy can we appreciate the manner in which the philosophical ideas of the state developed in the las centuries.The idea of the modern constitutional state triumphed together with deism, a theology and metaphysics that banished the miracle from the world. This theology anf metaphysics rejected not only the transgression of the laws of nature through an exception brought about by direct intervention, as found in the idea of a miracle, but also in the sovereign’s direct intervention in a valid legal order. The rationalism of the enlightenment rejected the exception in every form.p. 36-37After the writers of the Restoration developed a political theology, the radicals who opposed all existing order directed, with heightened awareness, their ideological efforts against the belief in God altogether, fighting that belief as if it were the most fundamental expression of the belief in any authority and unity.p. 50Every political idea in one way or another takes a position on the “nature” of man and presupposes that he is either “by nature good” or “by nature evil.” This issue can only be clouded by pedagogic or economic explanations, but not evaded.p. 56According to Donoso Cortés, it was characteristic if bourgeois liberalism not to decide in this battle but to begin a discussion. He straightforwardly defined the bourgeoisie as a “discussing class,” una clasa discutidora. It has thus been sentenced. This definition contains the class characteristic if wanting to evade the decision. A class that shifts all political activity onto the plane of conversation in the press and in parliament is no match for social conflictp. 59Although the liberal bourgeoisie wanted a god, its god could not not become active; it wanted a monarch, but he had to be powerless; it demanded freedom and equality but limited voting rights to the propertied classes in order to ensure the influence of education and property on legislation, as if education and property entitled that class to repress the poor and uneducated; it abolished the aristocracy of blood and family but permitted the impudent rule of the moneyed aristocracy, the most ignorant and most ordinary form of an aristocracy; it wanted neither the sovreignty of a king nor that of the people. What did it actually want?The curious contradictions of this liberalism struck not only reactionaries such as Donoso Cortés and F. J. Stahl but also revolutionaries such as Marx and Engels.p. 59-60Just as liberalism discusses and negotiates every political detail, so it also wants to dissolve metaphysical truth in a discussion. The essence of liberalism is negotiation, a cautious half measure, in the hope that the definitive dispute, the decisive bloody battle, can be transformed into a parliamentary debate and permit the decision to be suspended forever in an everlasting discussion.p. 63[D]ecisionism is essentially dictatorship, not legitimacy. [...] [I]n the face of radical evil the only solution is dictatorship, and the legitimist principle of succession becomes at such a moment empty dogamtism. Authority and anarchy could thus confront each other in absolute decisiveness and form a clear antithesis: De Maistre said that every government is necessarily absolute, and the anarchist says the same; but with the aid of his axiom of the good man and corrupt government, the latter draws the exact opposite political conclusion, manelym that all governments must be opposed for the reason that every government is a dictatorship. Every claim of a decision must be evil for the anarchist, because the right emerges by itself if the immanence of life is not disturbed by such claims. This radical antithesis forces him of course to decide against the decision; and this results in the odd paradox whereby Bakunin, the greatest anarchist of the nineteenth century, had to become in theory the theologian of the antitheological and in practice the dictatir of an antidictatorship.p. 66
Tuesday, August 31, 2010
my thesis bibliography
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